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IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


HiotDgrapnic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STrEET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


\ 


oMis 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


I 


tar 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


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10X  14X  18X  22X 


26X 


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24X 


28X 


32X 


f 


i 

tails 
i  du 
odifier 
une 
mage 


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la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
emprelnte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  -^  signifle  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifle  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Stre 
filmds  d  des  taux  de  reduction  diffdrents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  §tre 
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et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  ndcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mdthode. 


errata 
to 


pelure, 
n  d 


32X 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

wr^' 


] 


1    CONSIDERATIONS 

ifC^X  OH  .„.  0.^a 


afi.iii^/7-^ 


PROPRIETY 

OFIMPOSINC 

TAXES 


IN       THE 


BRITISH  COLONIES, 


For  the  Puspofc  of  raifing  a  REVENUE,  by  ASl  of  Parliament, 


^ Haud  Tetun:  I  trha  rif'gntnt 

S^uad  lattt  arcana,  non  enarrabilt,  pbra. 

( Let  not  my  Words  {hew  all ; 

The  bidden  Mlfchief  cannot  be  exprefs'u.) 


/iiU„ia/VW.-/  ,  rijO.n^tU.i- 


'»' 


North- America :  Printed  by  a  North- AMERtc an. 
New-York:  Rc-printod  by  JOHN  HOLT,  in  th^  Year  1764, 


-t 'J 


I-,-. 


WH^"^ 


I 


HVfiy*  KTkiTrt;! U    f'-*^ i^^W**  HiUM^  ' <TVK'&'  hTW1>*  'l^wk** i^W"**  ^ 


PREFACE 


/T  tvculd  now,  be  an  unfajfmnahle  doiirine,  whatever  the  ancient  opini- 
en  might  be,  to  affirm  that  the  con/lttucnt  am  bind  his  reprcjentati^e  by 
injiruiliom  ;  hut  tho'  the  ebligattry  force  of  thtfe  tnfruiitom  n  not 
infipa  upon,  yet  their  perfuafive  influence,  in  mojl  lafis,  may  be ;  Ur  a 
reprefetitative,  who  ftmild  a£i  againfl  the  explicit  recommendation  of  his 
cenjtituents,  would  moft  dtfervedly  forfeit  their  regard^  and  all  pretenjion  to 
their  future  confidence.  .        , 

PVhen  It  IS  under  deliberation^,  whether  a  new  laU)  fball  be  enaSfed,  in 
which  the  dehors  of  England  art  interefled,  they  have  notice  of  it,  and 
an  opportunity  of  declaring  theif  ffri/e-— THEY  may  point  out  every  dan- 
gerous tendency,  and  are  not  rejirainedin  their  reptefentations,fromJheWing 
tn  the  plainefl  languagi,  the  injuftiee  tr  oppreffion  of  it. 

When  a  law  in  its  execution  is  found  to  be  repugnant  to  the  geutus  of 

liberty,  or  pmduaive  of  hardfhips  or  incdnviftif^'Ce,  rmy  may  alfo  injlruii 

their  deputies  to  exert  themfelves  in  procuring  a  repeal  of  it,  and  in  the  exer- 

cife  of  this  right  are  not  confirained  to  whtne  ih  ihe  fiyle  cf  humble  petiti- 

(,„,„.— "They  art  expefed  to  no  danger  in  explaining  their  reafens—— 

THB.1^  fituation  does  not  become  fa  delicate  as  to  make  it  prudent,  to  weaken^ 

h'  not  urging  them,  with  their  full  force,  and  to  their  utmpfl  extent.     But 

who  are  the  reprefentutives  of  the  colonies?  To  whom  fball  XHtY  fend 

their  inJirniHons,  when  deftrous  te  obtain   the   repeal  of  a  law  Jinking 

at  the  root  antl  foundation  of  tvtry  civil  .right,  fbouldjuch  aA  ont   take 

\daci  ?  Injiruitiws  to  all  the  members  who  cam^ofe  the  houft  of  eommons 

■%ouid  not  bepropeK    To  them  the  application  mufl  be  by  petition,  in  which 

•  an  unrtferiied  fiyle' -iiJOuld,  probably,  be  deemed  indecency,  and  ftrong  expref- 

'  Cms  inftUnee.  in  which  fi  claim  of  rights  may  not,  perhaps,  be  explained,  or 

tven  muated,  if  to  impugn,  or  glance  at  their  authority  whoje  relief  is 

■/hppUM  ■  rofoften  and  deprfcate  mufl  he.  the  hope  and  endeavour,  th, 

agHiltlefs  freeman  would,  prchaHu  be  aukward  m  ringing  all  the  changes 

'  «/"  parce,  prccor.    [O  fpate,  I'bcfeech  you- j 


-^v^ 


f- 


IBP 


anjeqnenu: for  if  truth  n  n.t  '^''""^''i     .£'  'S^/.  us  t,nv^Ug..  ^ 

^1,0  predUte^.  th.t,  ^  J}' t^^'^    ^  t^  Zon^pfk^^^  ^f  that  pr.. 
excellent  to  he  permanent        The  tram  jor  ^    y^^^  ^^^ 

phecy  hath  not  yet  catchtdtn  America,  nor,  ''    '^    .r      ,;^,  declaration's 
^  That  th,re  hive  been  laws  e.tren.-lyun,^^^^^^^^^  ^^^  ^^,^   . 

Cafa  may  b.  imof^tned  in  which  the  truth  oJJ^^J'TJ  .^^^nJr.rcumfiames, 
l>eaLtelbi.inprcUl^^.urM^^^  ^Jr   that    ■ 

^'''  '1  11  'wt'iS:e!%^Zu!^^r!ty  ofop.n.n,,  or  the  pr.ciples 
introduced  It,  wto  wtu.a  rety    y  ,„„.l,;,,  of  anv  pofitwe  taw  ? 

cf  them,  Jor  his  prote^,ona,atnJ^^^^^^^^  ^  ^^^  ^-^^.^ 

When  the  judges  were  fd  *v  H^nry  A;^//.  ^^^^^,.^^ 

attainted  of  high  treajon  hy  Pf'^"""^  tv^tlevLe  ailrver  that,  "  the 
that  it  was  a  dangerous  'l^'J'''';^'"/^'^^^^^^^  to  the  inferior 

..  high  court  of  parliament  ought  togve  .f-^J^^  J  j/^.^^  ^,  ^,„^,,,„, 
..  courts,  none  of  which  could  do  the  ^f'      f""  ^^^„^  ^,  ^cinow- 

io  declare  againftthe  authority  '^/^t TlS^^H/^^  Principles  and  con. 
ledge  its  inerrflitj,  nor  Pr'^^fjfJ^  tZZproprieties^and  defers. 
^;rt  Vo7dl  'lat;S:i  Te    Iwing'colftderations,  and  f, all 

.'rtaders  of.  different  complexions. 

J^'^jrJCG/i^/.^,    AUGUST,  12.  I766.r,^;;:.,^^;. 


\ 


considerations;  t^u 


I 


■"'>..•.  .i'. 


t  jj  .--^^.-W--- 


..,•'  ■•. '      '     v 


i. 


im^ 


f  the  mojf  momtntous 
,  in  Id  genuine  lan- 
,jte  Its  privUtgfi  "'"^ 
oi"lfdge  his  for  eft  ^ht 
ti  government  was  ii$ 
lijhaunt  of  that  pro- 
been  hid. 

ffivt,  the  declarations 
rj,  evince  ;  tut  whiljl 
t  prudent  to  give  ihtm 
111,  or  that  e/Heniy 
^tho'net  branded  with 

ment  may  he  void,"  and 
Tien  legal  rights,  which 
can  deprive  them  of.'' 
fitioiis  might,  tn  theoryt 
V  peculiar  drcumJiameSy 
nee  if  the  power  that    ■ 
,lnion<,  or  the  principles 
nv  pofitive  law  ? 
hither  a  man  might  he 
'  to  anjwcr,  they  declared 
live  anfiver  that,  "  the 
efjuftice  to  the  infer'' or 
w'  it' might  be  dangerous 
ire  not  bound  to  acknow- 
'  the  principles  and  con- 
proprieties,  and  defeats, 
confideratitns,  and  /ball  ^ 
free,  »r  too  referved^  tt\, 

66. 


^SID^RATIONS,  l^t 


,1 


> 


«««®'5**so®e®a«»'«*®*®®*^ 


CONSIDERATIONS, 


eftv**--^* 


c. 


excluded.     In  tnis  <hmiu    ,      ,    .^,  .      ,.     j  ...nimons, 

in  framing  ihe  laic  btamp  Mt,  tne  pi,,ciple  oi  ih..t 

repreicntatlve  ot  the  col.mcs  1  ^^^ '  "j;^?^^^  ft,„a  or  full,  as  .l>c 
„c.fur=,  and  the  proprieis  ^^  \,^  f^^  ;,  ^  ,,,.  forth,  that  the  .:om- 
p.indplc  •*  »-;'  -  f,;/;eLfcd'  o  ".  a>ul  grant  the  feveral  rates 
mon«of  <^:^'''-f7'^'"'?'  A!,  hutwhatr.^ht  bad  the  cnn..not>s  e. 
and  duties  impofed  by  the  sdt     bu    ^"        -  ^^^^,,,,t  ^t,,  .oninvn,  ..f 

Great-Brituin  to  be  thus  "■"•^"'^'•"^"^^^^Vlonrinp  to  the  stiver,  and  wrh- 

^merua  r To  give  property  "^^  ^«^;^^[:  ,7^,,,  fi,,^ant  injuitice.  in 

out  the  c^nfent  of  the  -^-^J^ ^'^''^l^^XTo  avow  it't  a.ul  theutorc, 
.rdiriary  cafes,  that  few  are  nardy   ^^^^^l\^^  ^.^„,;i^,d  over  Krj  the 

wh.n  ii  really  happens,  t.e  faa      -f;^'^^^^,,,^^  u.^j^clt Uut 

nioft  plaufible  pretences  the  '"&;•;'  ^^7^,     '/;.,,, 

it  is  alledged  that  there  .s  a  ^;;':'"fA/ ''^^f^^J,/ „.v  :  A.nd 

it  mult  be  confefled  on  all   i?^"*"  '  '^,f '/,' ,  \,  L  third  kind  .f  r*- 

aaual,  .t  is  virtual,  or  .t  doth  ""^  ^/'^  ^V^^Vu  n  the  privilr,e,  «h,ch 
,  prcfentation  can  be  tmagined    The  colon.c  cl  \  ^^^^.^  ^^^^ 

confent  given  by  their  rerrelcntame.    and ^  ^^^^^^_^  ^^^^  ^^^,^ 

6'/a«jp  y/<^  admit  this  cUim.     \>  helhei,  mue  ^^^.^^^,^.^ 


f 


^' 


"T*'"^ 


[        6        ] 

matter,  the  impofition  of  the  Stamp  Duties  is  a  proper  excrcife  of  con- 
Jliiuiicinal  authority,  or  not,  depends  upon  the  (int^le  quertinn,  Whe- 
ther the  conimdiis  t)f  Creat  Britain  arc  virtually  the  rcprcrcntatives  of 
tilt'  conimons  oi  Jmerica^  or  not. 

The  advocates  for  the  Stamp  Adl  admit,  in  cxprefs  tcrmH  that  «*  the 
••  cnloiiics  do  not  choofe  members  of  parliament,"  "  but  thoy  aflcrt 
*♦  that  the  colonies  are  virtually  reprefented  in  the  i\m<i  manner  with 
"  the  nonclcd^ors  reftdcnt  in  Great  Britain" 

How  have  they  proved  this  pofition  ?  Whe-^r  l-,v.'c  their  defined,  or 
prccilely  explained  what  they  mean  by  the  expicflioii,  urtual  reprefen- 
ttition?  As  it  is  the  very  hinge  upon  which  the  rcr  itu'lr-  d  the  taxation 
turns,  foniethingmorc  fatisfaifory  than  mere  afl'crtion,  n^^rc  toljd  than 
a  form  of  exprcflion,  is  neceflary  ;  for  how  can  it  be  fcr  >  ">  expe6ted, 
that  men,  who  think  thcmfelves  injurioufly  afFcdkd  in  t  ..■■:  prnpeities 
and  privileges,  will  be  convinced  and  reconciled  by  a  fan*  ifal  plirafc, 
the  meaning  of  which  can't  be  precifely  afccrtaincd  by  thole  i  •  ufe 
it,  or  properly  applied  to  the  purpofc  for  which  it  hath  been  ai;  .^nced? 
They  argue,  that  "  the  right  of  clciition  being  annexed  to  certain 
fpccies  of  property,  to  franchifes,  and  inhabitancy  in  fomc  particu- 
lar places,  a  very  fmall  part  of  the  land,  the  property,  and  the  peo- 
ple of  England  arc  comprehended  in  thofe  dcfcriptions.  All  landed 
property,  not  freehold,  and  all  monied  property,  zxe  excluded.  The 
merchants  of  Londcn.,  the  proprrctors  of  the  public  funds,  the  inha- 
bitants of  Leedsy  Halifax,  Birmingkam,  and  Manchejler,  and  that 
great  corporation  of  the  EuH-lndia  company,  none  of  them  choofe 
their  reprcientativcs,  and  yet  arc  they  all  reprefentcd  in  parliament, 
ai\J  the  colonies  being  exaiily  in  their  lituation,  arc  reprefentcd  in 
the  fame  manner." 
No\T,  this  argument,  which  is  all  that  their  invention  hath  been 
able  to  fupply,  istotallv  defedive;  for,  it  conlifts  of  facts  not  true,  and 
of  canclufions  inadniiHible. 

It  is  fo  far  from  being  tri-e,  that  all    the  perfons  enumerated   under. 
tb.a  cliurafter  oi  non- dehors,  arc  iii  that  predicament,  that   it  is   indu- 
bicably  certain  there    is   no    fpccies  of  property,    landed,  or   monied, 
v'lich  is  nor  poflcflcd  by  very  many  of  the  Britijh  eleitors. 

I  fhill  undert^ike  to  dilbrove  the  fuppofcd  fimilarity  of  fituatiOn, 
whence  the  fame  kind  of  leprclentaiion  is  deduced,  of  the  inhabitants 
i)f  the  colonies,  and  of  the  /JV////^!)  non  eieclots  ;  and,  ifl  fucceed, 
the  notion  of  a  virtual  reprefentation  oi  Xhe  colonies  muft  fail,  which, 
in  truth,  is  a  more  cub  web,  fprcad  to  catch  the  unwary,  and  intangle 
the  weak.     I  v>ou  d  be  undcriiood  ;  I  urn  upon  a  ijueftion  of  prbprieiy^ 

. .  not 


(t 


V. 


■X 


J 


V^ 


^^jJi 


-■  excrcife  of  con- 
quflJinn,  Whe- 
eprclcntativcs   of 

term«»  that  "the 
*'  but  they  aflcrt 
ime  manner  with 

thcv  dt-fined,  or 
I  virtual  repnfen- 
!e  oi  the  taxation 
,  iTific  lolid  than 
it'ouTv  expcflcd, 
1  t'v-'j  propel tic$ 
I  fai-,'  M'''  iihrafc, 
)V  thole  VM  »  ufe 
)  been  a>'.  jnced? 
ncxed  to  certain 
in  fomc  particu- 
rty,  and  the  peo- 
ons.  All  landed 
re  excluded.  The 
funds,  the  inha- 
:hejier,  and  that 
t  of  them  choofe 
;d  in  parliament, 
e  rcprelcntcd   in 

ntion  hath  been 
ds  not  uue,  and 

lumerated  under, 
that  it  is  indu- 
ied,  or  inonied, 
■J. 

ity  of  fituation, 
the  inhabitants 
id,  if'l  fucceed, 
(luft  fail,  which, 
iry,  and  intangle 
ftion  of  pripruty^ 
not 


■\) 


^ 


^.^m^HMB 


r 


WT.  IW,| 


f    7    ] 


inclined  tu  think  it  is  to 
other   is  irrclilHble,  yet 


not  of  power ;  and,  though  fomc  may  be 

little  purpofc  to  tiifculi  the  one,  when  the  _ „..,  ,.. 

are  they  different  confidcrations ;  and,  at  the  fame  time  that  I  inva- 
lidate the  claim  upon  which  it  it  founded,  I  may  very  ccnfiflentiy  re- 
commend a  fubmiflion  to  the  law,  whilrt  it  endures.  1  Ihall  fay  no- 
thing of  tlje  ufe  I  intend  by  the  difcuflion  ;  for,  if  it  fhould  not  be 
perceived  by  the  fequel,  there  is  no  ufc  in  it,  and,  if  it  fhould  appear 
then,  it  need  not  be  prcmifcd. 

Leflees  for  years,  copyholders,  proprietors  of  the  public  funds,  in- 
habitants of  Birmingham,  Leeds,  Halifax,  and  AlancheJUr,  merchant* 
of  the  city  of  London,  or  men  'lers  of  the  corporation  of  the  Ea/I  hidut 
company,  are,  as  J'uch,  under  no  perfonal  incapacity  to  be  eicdors  ; 
for  they  may  acquire  the  right  of  eledtion,  and  there  are  aSlually  not 
only  a  connderable  number  of  clc£lors  in  each  of  the  clailes  of  ItH'ecs 
for  years,  (:fc.  but  in  many  of  them,  if  not  all,  even  members  of  par- 
liament. The  interefls  therefore  of  the  non-elc(Stors,  the  clei^ors,  and 
the  reprefentatives,  arc  ir.dividually  the  fame;  to  fay  nothing  of  the 
connection  among  neighbours,  friends,  and  relations.  The  fecurity 
«f  the  non-eledlors  againft  oppreflion,  is,  that  their  oppreflion  will  fall 
alfo  upon  the  elcdlors  and  the  reprefentatives.  '^i  .ic  one  can't  be  in- 
jured, and  the  other  indemnified. 

Further,  if  the  non-ele<Slors  Ihould  not  be  taxed  by  the  BritiJJ)  par- 
liamcHt,  they  would  not  be  taxed  at  all ;  and  it  would  be  iniquitous 
as  well  as  a  folecifni,in  the  political  ftyftem,  that  they  fliould  partake 
of  all  the  benefits  refulting  from  the  impofition,  and  application  of 
taxes,  and  derive  an  immunity  from  the  circumflance  of  not  being 
qualified  to  vote.  Under  this  conftitution  then,  a  double  or  virtual 
reprelentation  may  be  reafonably  fijppofcd.  The  eledtors,  who  arc 
infcparably  conneded  in  their  intercfts  with  the  non-eledlors,  may 
be  juftly  deemed  to  be  the  reprefentatives  of  the  non-elcdiors,  at  the 
Tame  time  they  exercife  ihcir  perfonal  privilege  in  their  right  of  eledion  ; 
and  the  members  chofen,  therefore,  the  reprefentatives  of  both.  This 
is  the  only  rational  explanation  of  the  expreffion,  virtual  reprefentatian. 
None  has  been  advanced  by  the  aflertors  of  it,  and  their  meaning  can 
only  be  inferred  from  the  inftances,  by  which  they  endeavour  to  elu- 
cidate it.  and  no  other  meaning  can  be  flated,  to  which  the  inflancei 
apply. 

It  is  an  cfTential  principle  of  the  EngliJ})  conflitution,  that  the  fubjcA 
fhali  not  be  taxed  without  his  confent,  which  hath  not  been  introdu- 
ced by  any  particular  law,  but  neceflarily  refults  from  the  ;  'ure  of 
that  mixed  governmentj  for,  without  it,  the  order  of  der,  .racy 
could  not  exift.  Parliaments 


r 


up 


[    8    3 

+  Parliaments  were  not  formerly  fo  regular  in  point  of  form  as  they 
row  are.  Even  the  number  of  knights  tor  each  Ih.rc  were  "o  ^fccr- 
tTed  The  faft  writs  now  extant  for  their  cho.ce  are  22d  LM 
i  by  which,  two,  as  at  this  dav,  were  direfled  to  be  cholcn  for  each 
county  but  the  k  ng  not  being  fatisfied  with  that  number,  other  wnts 
^ere  ffued  or  choofmg  two  more.  This  difcrct.onnry  pewer  bemg 
rhouJht  inconvenient,  ^was  afterwards  reflrained  by  the  ftat  tes  of 
J^;/WI1,  i^'"7lV,andfubfequent  Adts.     .      ,        ,        . 

in  aricr  times  there  was  more  fimplicity  in  the  rules  of  govern- 
J.tdr^^n  were  mere  folicitous  about  the  clTentuls,  than  tnc 
fo  ms  oTit.  When  the  confent  of  thofe  who  were  to  perform,  or  pay 
inv  thmV  »ctrafeudaK  was  fairly  applied  for  ^nd  obtained,  the  manner 
was  S  regarded  ;  but,  as  the  people  had  reafon  to  be  jealous  of  dc- 
Lns  to  impo'e  con  ributions  upon  them  without  the.r  confent,  .t  wa 
thouVht  expedient  to  have  formalities  regulated,  and  fi.ed  to  prevent 
Ihis  i^njury 'o  their  right.,  not  to  deftroy  a  pnnc.ple,  wtthout  wh.ch, 
thpv  could  not  he  faid  to  have  any  rights  at  all, 

lefore  the  introduftion  of  thofe  formalities,  ^^^»^.ch  were  franked 
Avifh  a  view  to  reftrain  the  excurfions  of  power,  and  to  fecure  the  pr.- 
V  .es  ofThe  fubjea,  as  the  mode  of  proceeding  was  more  f.mple  fo 
rcrhaps  th  s  foundation  of  confent  was  more  v.f.ble  than  U  .s  at  pre- 
^crnaps  i.u  adduce  fome  mftances,  which  di- 

Siytom  tt  'r^cX  and°eflential  principle  ofBrU'fl^^ 
TheTordsand  commons  have  feparately  given  ^.ds  and  fubfid.es 
to  he  cmwn.  In  13th  EdwardlU,  the  lords  granted  the  tenth  of 
In  he  co7n  tf.  Rroiing  upon  their  demefnes,  the  commons  then 
.In  n'  nothing, ^.or  cLcerning  themfelves  with  w^at  the  lords 
SouX'f^t  r.rfnt  out  of  their  own  eftates.  At  other  time  ,  the 
I  ^^c  nf  (hires  fe-^aratingfrom  the  reft  of  the  common*,  and  join- 
knight   of  ft  res,  fepar^nngt  ^^^  the  reprefentat.ves  of 

ci-ir    d  b  rXt  haV;  Lwifc  grante/fubfides  to  the  crown  epa- 
TZnVrhnis  fuls    mbUlbus,   &c,    nobis  cunaUter  conc^ennU  hz. 

t  See  Treat.  Peerage. 


nt  of  form  as  they 
re  were  not  aicer- 
,  are  2 2d  Edward 
be  chofen  for  each 
imber,  other  writs 
inary  pewer  being 
by  the  ftat  tes  of 

le  rules  of  gcvern- 
:flentials,  than  the 
to  perform,  or  pay 
tained,  the  manner 
;o  be  jealous  of  de- 
leir  confent,  it  was 
id  fixed,  to  prevent 
Ic,  without  which, 

i-hich  were  framed 
d  to  fecurc  the  pri- 
vas  more  fimple,  fo 
:  than  it  is  at  pre- 
nftances,  which  di- 
e  of  Bridjh  liberty. 

aids  and  fubfidies 
ranted  the  tenth  of 
the  commons  then 
ith  what  the  lords 
It  other  times,  the 
;ommon»,  and  join- 
he  reprefentatives  of 
;  to  the  crown  fcpa- 
i^hich  runs  in  thefc 
(J  kc.fecerunt  unde- 
^etifes,  &c.  fepiimam 
iter  concejff'erint,  &c. 

in  farliamentythe  e- 
th  part  of  their  goods 
li  affefted  only  fome 
ras  common  forthofe 
3ofc  feveral  writs  are 
extant. 


t     9     ] 

extant,  tn  35th  Edward  IK,  there  is  a  writ  Cwhich  Dugdale  has 
printed  in  his  coiledtion  of  writs  of  fummoiis  to  parliament)  direiSted 
to  the  earl  of  Northampton,  wliich,  after  reciting  the  confufion  the 
alFairs  of  Ireland  were  in,  and  that  he,  and  fornc  other  Engiijh  loids 
had  poflcflions  in  that  kingdom,  and  were  therefore  more  panicularly 
ohiigrd  to  the  defence  of  it,  follows  in  ihefc  woids  :  Volumus  vobif- 
cum,  et  cum  aitis  de  eodem  regno  (Jnglia  fiiticet)  terras  in  dtSfa  terra 
hakentibus  co'Hoquium  habere,  &c.  IVe  will  confer  tvith  you,  and  others  of 
the  fame  kingd:m  (viz.  Koghrxd)  poj/ejed  of  kinds  in  the  Jaid  country. 

liut,  that  the  reader  may  perceive  how  ftridly  the  principle,  of  no 
perfon's  being  taxed  without  their  confent,  hath  been  regarded,  it  is 
proper  to  take  notice,  that,  upon  the  fame  occafion,  writs  were  like- 
wife  direded  even  to  women,  who  were  proprietors  of  land  in  Ireland, 
to  fend  theii  deputies  to  confult,  and  confent  to  what  fliould  be  judged 
neceflary  to  be  done  on  the  occafion  ;  e.  g.  Rex,  &c.  marice,  &c.  ja- 
lutem,  &c.  vobis,  lie.  mandamus  quod  aliquem,  v:l  aliquos  de  qutbus  ccn- 
fidatis  apud  IVefimon.  mitlatis  ad  loquendum  nobijcum  fuper  difiis  negotiis, 
et  ad  faciendum  et  cotfentiendum  nomine  vejlro,  fuper  hoc  quod  ibidem  or- 
dinari  contigerit.  IVe  command  you  to  fend  to  Wtllminfter,  feme  per fon 
or  perfons,  whom  you  may  confide  in,  to  confer  with  us,  on  the  abovefaid  etf- 
fair,  and  to  da  and  afjent,  in  your  name,   to  whatever  Jhall  be  there  decreed. 

A  rcfledtion  naturally  arifes  from  the  inftances  cited  :-"-VVhen,  on 
a  particular  occafion,  fome  individuals  only  were  to  be  taxed,  and  not 
the  whole  community,  their  confent  only  was  called  for,  and  in  the  laft 
inftance  it  appears,  that  they,  who  upon  an  occafion  of  a  general 
tax,  would  have  been  bound  by  the  confent  of  their  virtual  reprejenia- 
tives  (for  in  that  cafe  they  would  have  had  no  a^ual  reprefntatives  ) 
were  in  an  afFair  calling  for  a  particular  aid  from  them,  feparate  from 
the  reft  of  the  community,  required  to  fend  their  particular  deputies : 
15ut  how  different  would  be  the  principle  of  a  flatute,  impofing  du- 
ties without  their  confent  who  are  to  pay  them,  upon  the  authority  of 
their  Gift,  who  ftiould  undertake  to  give,  what  doth  not  belong  to 
them. 

That  great  king,  Edward  I,  inferted  in  his  writs  of  fummons,  as 
a  firfl:  principle  of  law,  that  quod  omnes  tangat  ab  omnibus  apprsbetur^ 
what  concerns  all,  muji  be  approved  by  all,  which  by  no  torture  can  be 
made  to  fignify  that  thetr  approbation  or  confent  only  is  to  be  requi.cd 
in  the  impofitian  of  a  tax,  who  are  to  pay  no  part  of  it. 

The  fituation  of  the  non  cledtors  iti  England— \ht\t  capacity  to  be- 
come ele(Sfors---thcir  infeparable  coniiciUon  with  ihofe  who  are  elec- 
tors, and  their  rcprefcntatives— their  fccurity  againfi  opprefTion  rcfult- 


I 


lo 


] 


ir    from  this  conncaion,  and  the  neccffity  of  imagmin|T  a  douMeor 
v..'"jal  reprcCentation,  to  avoid  iniquity  and  abfurdity,   have  been  e>C- 
plaincd---the  inhabitants  of  the  colonics  arc,  ai  Juch,  incapable  of  be- 
ina  dehors,  the   pnvile<;e  of  elt^ion  being  exercifenbie  only  in  per- 
Ibn    and  therefore  if  every   inhabitant  of  Jrnenc^i  had  the   rrquihte 
f.ee'hold,  not  c«<  could  vote,  hut  upon  the  fuppodtion  of   his  ccafmg 
to  be  an  inhabitant  of  Jmnua,  and   becoming:   a  rehdent  of  Great- 
Britmn    a  fuppofition  which  would  be   impertinent,  becaufe  it   Ihitta 
the  queftion— -fhould  the  colonies  not  be  taxed  by  Farliamtntnt)  im- 
tofiuom,  their  refpedtive  leg.datures  have  a  regular,  adequate,  and  con- 
ftitutional  authority  to  tax  them,  and  thcrstore  there  would  not  necel- 
farily  be  an  iniquitous  and  abfurd  ejicmption,  from  theu  not  being  re- 
prefentedby  ^/^W^aw/^o/"'"*""^-  ,,       ,    .       .  .u      / 

There  is  net  that  intimate  and  mfeparaWe  relation  between  the  elec- 
tor' of  Great- Britain,  and  the  Inhabitants  of  the  colomes,  which   muft 
inevitably  involve  both  in  the  fame  taxation  ;  on  the  contrary    not  x 
fuiiile  fl<r/«fl/ eledlor  \n  Er< gland,  might  be  immediately   affedtcd   by  a 
taxation  in  America,  impofed  by  a  Ifatute  which  would  have  a  general 
operation  and  cfFca,  upon  the  properties  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  co- 
lonies      The  latter  might  be  opprefled  in  a  thouland  fhapcs,  without 
anv  Sympathy,  or  exciting  any  alarm  in  the  former,     Moreover,  even 
a6ts    oppreflTive  and  injurious  to  the  colonics  in    an  extreme  degree, 
nV.ttht  become  p-pular  in  Er,gland,  from  the  promile  or  expeaat.ori, 
that  the  very  meafures  which  depreffed  the  colonies,  would  give   eaie 
to  the  Inhabitants  of  Greeit- Brua.n.     it  is  indeed  true,  that  the  mte- 
rcfts  of  En,lar,d  and  the  colonics  are  allied,  and  an  injury  to  the  eoJo- 
ries  produced  into  all  its  confequcnces,  will  eventuailjf  af><rd  the  nu.- 
ther  country  •,  yet  theic  confeq.iences  being  generally  remote,  are  not 
at  once  forefccn  ;  they  do  not  immediarciy  alarm  the  fears,  and  engage 
the  paffions  of  the  Engl^jh  electors ;  the  connexion  between  a  t.echol- 
dcr  of  Great- Britain,  and  a  Britrjh  Mencan  being  dcducible  only  thro 
a  train   of  reafoning,  which   few   will  take  the  trouble,  or  can  have 
rppoitunitv,  if  they  have  capacity,  to  invclugaie;  whcrclore  the  .c- 
lat^on  between  the  Britijh  Americans,  and  the  ExgUjh  elalors,  is  a  kn<.t. 
1^0  inform   to  be  relied  on  as  a  competent  fecurity,  efpecially  againlt 
the  force  of  a  prelcnt,  counteradting  expedation  of  relief. 

If  it  would  have  been  a  jurtconcluiion,  that  the  c^/onm  being  ex- 
i-^lv  in  the  fame  iuuation  wi-h  the  non-ek^^n  of  England,  zxt,  ihere- 
/irAcprefeiUc-d  in  'he  f.mc  manner  ;  it  oui;.ht  to  be  allowed,  that  tb.^ 
Tf-afoning  is  folid,  which,  after  having  evinced  a  total  d:j}muarMy  ot 
luuiilion^  infers,  ihat  ihcir  icpicfcHtatiun  is  d'^Jjinnt. 


T 


;hiln[^  a  douMcor 
y,  have  been  cx:- 
>,  incapable  of  be- 
enble  only  in  per- 
had  the    tfquilite 
:ion  of  his  ccafing 
rclident   of  Great- 
hecaufe   it   Ihifta 
Farliamtntar)  im- 
Kleqtiaie,  and  con- 
c  would  not  neccl- 
iheii  not  being  re- 

n  between  the  elec' 
loniesy  which   muft 
he  contrary,  not  z 
itcly   affeiied   by  a 
ould  have  a  general 
ubitants  of  the  co- 
nd  (hapes,  without 
r,     Mor«fover,  even 
in  extreme  degree, 
nile  or  expectation, 
;s,  would  give  caie 
true,  that  the  inte- 
n  injury  to  the  ccdo- 
tualljf  af>Vcl  the  nio- 
lily  remote,  are  not 
he  fears,  and  engage 
n  between  a  treehol- 
deducible  only  thro* 
trouble,  or  can  have 
e;  wherefore  the  le- 
<JiJh  eU^ers,  is  a  knot. 
ty,  efpccially  againll 
of  relief. 

he  cilonies  being  ex- 

England,  are    therf- 

be  allowed,  that  the 

a  total  d:jfimuatity  of 

'Mt. 

If 


[  II  ] 

Tf  the  commoni.  of  Great-Britmn  have  no  right  by  the  conftitution, 
to  GIVE  AND  GRAN  V  property  not  belonging  to  them  elves  or  o- 
he^    without  their  conient  adtually  or  v.rtually  g.ven  ;   J^  the  c  a.rjj 
of  the  coK,n.es  not  to  be  taxed  wttlmt  thetr  conjent    i'gml'^d  by  thci 
°  p     e  uat.ves,  i,  well  founded  •,  tf  .t  appears  that  the  colon.es  arc  no      ; 
aftuallv  reprcfented  by  thecommons  ot  Gveat-Bnum,  and   that   the 
n^c/oU  double  or 'virtual  repteicntattun,  d.>th   r,ot  w.th   any   ...>- 
orietv  auply  to  the  people  of  Animca  ;  then  the  principle  ot  theyA;w/) 
Si^    mult  be  ".  en  up  as  indelenftblc  on   the  point  ot  rcprefentat.on 
and  rlaUdtry  of  it'relted  upon  .he  pouter  wh>ch  they  who  tramed  tt, 
have  to  carry  it  into  execution.  ^ 

"Should  the  parl,arr.er.t  devife  a  tax,  to  be  pa.d  only  by   thofe   of 
«  the  people  in   Gr.«/-ii'i/«m.  who  are   neuher  members   of  either 
"  horleo   parliament,  nor  their  ele^ors,  fuch  a«  ad  w.uid  he  unjift 
•«   ana  partial,"  faith  tbe  author  ot  the  claim  of  the  colonic.,  i^c.  who 
vetluows    hattH"  Non  electors  would  ha.e  a  fecunty  againi   the 
^'  w  i°h   of  fuch  a  tax,  fliould  tt  b«  impofed,  wh.ch  the  colonies  have 
c«  To  r'-^.  th-t  the  member,  of  parliament  and  the  e  ed  ors,  muft  be 
«  rda  ively  afFeded  by  it;  but  the  indulkious  North  Amencan,  at.J 
-  the  opulent  lyelUnLn  my  .kave  the.r, properties  taxed,  -d  "° '"- 
«  dividual  in  Gr.at-Briunu  participate  w.th  them  m  'he  bu  th  n     Oa 
c«  the  contrary,  the  members  of  parliament  would  make  the.r  court 
.c  to  the.r  conflitucnts  mult  cffedually,  ,by  muhiplyu^g  1  axes  upon 
*'  the  fubieds  of  the  colonies."  ■  ,    ,  r    r  .■       ,    n,«..n 

Is  it  not  amazing  that  the  aboy^author,  with  thfi  fenimenU,  fhou Id 
Un  eiuke.he  deleLof  the  (lamp  duties,  -h«:h,  by  h.-- conce  - 
hon,  appears  to  henme  u„  uft,  and  more  partial  than  the  tax  he  lup- 
polls,  and  upon  wh.ch  he  beftows,  very  ,prope.ly,  the  epithets  of 
unjuji  and  partial.  ^     n. 

He  ^ha  ZgZs  drug,   whhcui  JhlH  to  knew  ilu  proper  point  het.veer^ 

''^afut fbf  fobjeaed,  that  if  the  Inhabitants  of  yfrnerica,  becaufe 
reptli;  in  t.eir  rifped.ve  allembiics  ate  f^^^f^^^^^^ 
a  parliamentary  tax.  then  the  citizens  of  London,  who  re  r  preleme.l 
.  in  their  comnion  council,  may  plead  the  >;n.  /""'""y-.  \^'^J\^^ 
not  for  the  authority  upon  which  this  objed.on  ■«  "'?^J'  '  h  T been 
Palely  paffed  over  without  a  partic.dar  anfwer ;  but  l.ucc  .t  h^t h  b  e 
n trudlced  with  an  appearance  ot  reliance,  and  the  opinion  wh.ch  . 
;;;:S!"tii;.  have  b'en  deUveted  whh  ^jr.at  ,ra>.y,  and  pronounce  I 


(I 


f       ,2       ] 

Vvith  Jecifive  conFiJencP,  I  would  not  be  h  wanting  In  rcfpcil  to  an 
eminent  character,  as  to  ncjcdl  the  ceremony  of  a  dircdt  refutation. 

Hutl  mult  oblerve,  that  when   the  opinion  of  a  lawyer  is  taken  in 
a  matter  of  private  concern,  in  which  he  is  under  no  biai  to  deceive, 
a  concife  declaration  of  it  may  generally    fufTire ;  he  who  applies  for 
it  being  generally  obliged  to  depend  upon  his  council's  charadter  of  in- 
tco;rity  and  knowledge  ;  not  only  bccaufe  the  expence  of  a  methodical 
and  minute  difcuffion  would  be  too  burthenfbmc,  but  becaufe  the  force 
of  legal  rcafoning  f!  not  generally  underftood.     But  in  a  queftion  of 
public  concernment,  the  opinion  of  no  court  lawyer,  however  rcfpedable 
for  his  candour  and  abilities,  ought  to  weigh  more   than  the  reafons 
adduced  in  fupport  of  it.     They  cght  to  be  explained,  they  may  be 
examined.     Confidering  his  temptations,  credit  ought  to  be  cautioufly 
and  diffidently  given,  to  his  aflertion  of  what  is  his  opinion. Con- 
fidering the  confcquence  of  a  decifion,  not  to  one  man  only,  but  to 
millions  that  exift  and  myriads  that  may  exift,  and  the  exceeding  fal- 
libility of  legal   knowledge,  nothing   fhorf  of  clear  conviftion,  after 
the  fullcfl  explication  of  the  reafons  of  the  opinion,  and  the  moft  ac- 
curate and  intenfe  confideration  of  their  validity,  can  juftify  nn  acqui- 
elcence  under  it. 

On  the  prefcnt  occafion,  fo  immenfely  important,  miUlus  addinui 
jurare  in  verba  magijiri ;  unufed  to  fivear  on  any  ma(ler*s  ivord;  1  fliall 
"pin  my  faith  upon  the  diSfum  of  no  lawyer  in  the  unlvcrfe  ;  and  when 
his  ipfe  dixit  is  authoritatively  urged,  1  fhall  be  at  no  pains  to  reprefs 
my  fufpicions  that  his  reafons  are  concealed,  becaufe,    if  fairly  produ- 
ced and  held  up  to  thelight,many  flaws  in  them  would  be  difcovered  by 
a  careful  examiner.  I  have  lived  long  enough  to  rtiriember  many  opi- 
nions  of  court  lawyers  upon  American  affairs  ;  they  have  been  all  ftrong- 
3y  marked  with  the   fame  charaif^er ;  they   have  been  generally   very 
fertentious,  and  the   fame    obfervation    may    be  applied  to  them  all. 
They  have  all  declared  that  to  be  legaU  which  the  minifter  for  the  time 
being  has  deemed  to  be  expedient.     The  opinion  given  by  a  general  of 
the  law,  in  the  late  war,  on  the  queftion,  whether  foldiers  might   be 
quartered  on  private  houfes  in  Jmerica^  muft  be  prttty  generally  re- 
membered. 

The  very  learne-l  gentlemen  has,  it  feems,  declared  that,  "  upon 
*'  mature  deliberation,  he  has  formed  his  opinion,  that  the  colonies 
*'  arc  in  their  nature,  no  more  ihan  common  corporations  j  and  that 
the  inhabitants  of  a  colony  are  no  more  entitled  to  an  exemption 
from  parliamentary   taxations,  becaufe  reprcfentcd  in  an  American 

aircmbly,  than  the  citixens  of  London" 

'  This 


1 

acci 

hijT 

B  ■ 

by 

tha 

by 

lati 

trig 

nit 

flcr 

oni 

to 


an 
nei 
is 

a 

fo 

b 

in 
li 

d( 

P 
^1 
a 
c 
]i 

I 


;  in  rcfpc<£l  to  an 
ilireft  refutation, 
lawyer  is  taken  in 
o  bill  to  deceive, 
e  who  a|>plies  for 
's  charadler  of  in- 
e  of  a  methodical 
t  bccaufc  the  lorcc 
It  in  a  queftion  of 
owevcr  rcfpe6lable 
than  the   reafons 
ncd,  they  may  be 
rhttobc  cautioufly 
opinion. Con- 
man  only,  but  to 
the  exceeding  fal- 
r  convi<5>ion,  after 
,  and  the  moft  ac- 
anjuftify  an  acqui- 

nt,  nuUlus  addiilui 
fler's  word;  I  Ihall 
nivcrfe  ;  and  when 
lo  pains  to  rcpreis 
fe,  if  fairly  produ- 
Id  be  difcovcred  by 
iriember  many  opi- 
avebecn  all  ftrong- 
een  generally  very 
pplied  to  them  all. 
[linifter  for  the  time 
ven  by  a  general  of 
r  foldiers  might  be 
prttty  generally  rc- 

lared  that,  "  wpon 
n,  that  the  colonies 
potations  ;  and  that 
ed  to  an  exemption 
ntcd  in  an  American 

This 


[ 


] 


' 


■ 


Tius  opinion  may  be  inconteflably  juft  in  the  judgment  of  thnt 
accompllfhcd  politician,  and  elegant  writer,  who  chooles  to  diltinuuiih 
himlelf  by  the  titles  of  late  G.,.rn..r  ot  the  J-rf-ys,  of  the  Aid  J.'  Ju 
ii--,  and  of  S-/A  6'  r-l-a  \  and  who  docs  not  choofe  tobe  diliinguilh  tl 
by  the  title  of  lite  MVitre  d' Hotel  of  the  late  Sir  D-v-s  0-b--e;  or 
thatexadtly  fitting,  and  charaaeriKical  f  appellation  conferred  on  him, 
by  an  incenfcd  culprit  in  an  //ww;am  court  of  ftar-cbaniber,  an  appel- 
lation rather  adapted  to  fignify   thofe  powers,  which  arc  ufeful  in  in- 
trigue, and  that  lead  to  promotion,  than  exprefiivc  of  refpedl  and  dig- 
nity ;  but.  having  confidcrcd  the  fuhjefl  in  the  bed  manner  my  very 
{lender  and  limited  capacity  will  allow,  neither  doihthe  opinion  of  the 
one,  nor   the  approbation  of  it  by  the  other,  influence  my  judgment. 
I>et  a  great  man  declare  a  fimilitude,  and  he  will  foon  find  a  I'olc'nia 
to  acknowledge,  that,   ^'yonder  cloud  is^  />y  the  mr-fs,  like  a  eunul  indeed" 

or,  blaek  like  an  ouzle"....or^  very  like  a  whale." 

The  objedion  having  been  ftated,  the  anfwer  is  obvious  and  clear. 
The  colonies  have  a  complete  and  adequate  legiflativc  authority, 
and  arc  not  only  reprefentcd  in  their  aflemblies,  but  in  no  other  man- 
ner. The  power  of  making  byc-Iaws  "cfted  in  the  common  council 
is  inadequate  and  incomplete,  being  bo-inded  by  a  few  particular  fub- 
jecls ;  and  the  common  council  arc  adually  reprefentcd  too,  by  having 
a  choice  of  members  to  ferve  in  parliament.  How  then  can  the  rea- 
fon  of  the  exemption  from  internal  parliamentary  taxations,  claimed 
by  the  colonies,  apply  to  the  citizens  of  Londm  ? 

The  povverdefcribcd  in  the  provincial  charters,  is  to  make  laws,  and 
in  the  exercife  of  that  power,  the  colonic*  are  bounded  by  no  other 
limitations  than  what  refult  from  their  fubordination  to,  and  depen- 
dence upon  Great  Britain.  The  term  bye- laws  is  as  rrovel,  and  :m- 
proper,  when  applied  to  the  ajjemblies,  as  the  cxprcfTion,  aiis  of  qljcm- 
b\y,  would  be,  if  applied  to  it^c  parliament  of  Grea>  Britain  ;  and  it  is 
as  abfurd  and  infcnfible,  to  call  a  colony  a  common  corporation,  bc- 
caufc not  an  independent  kingdom,  and  the  powers  of  c.ich  to  make 
laws  and  bye-laws,  are  limited,  tho'  not  comparable  in  their  extent, 
?nd  the  variety  of  their  objc6t«,  as  it  would  be  to  call  lake  Erie,  a 
Duck-pud  lie,  becaufe  not  the  atlantic  ocean. 

Should  the  analogy  between  the  colonies  and  corporations  be  even 
admitted  for  .n  moment,  in  order  to  fee  what  would  be  the  confequencc 
of  the  po/iulai!im,n  would  only  amount  to  this,  The  colonics  ztc  vcfted 
with  as  complete  authority  to  all  intents  and  purpofcs  to  tax  them- 
felves,  as  zx\y  Englijh  corporation  \t.  to  make  a  bye-law,  in  any  imagi- 
nable inltancc  for  any  local  purpofe  whatever,  and  the  parliament  doth 

not 

t  See  the  nift.  of  TOM  BRAZEN. 


[     H    1 


not  ninVc  laws  for  cor^^orauom  upon  fuSjca^,  In   every  refpe^  proper 

lor  he-taxvs,  ,         .  „ 

B,.i  1  don't  rrfl  the  nntter  upon  this  or  any  ot4ier  circumftance, 
however  confiderahle,  to  prove  the  impropriety  of  a  taxation  by  the 
Jlrin/h  parliament.  I  rely  upon  the  t.dt,  that  not  one  inhabitant  m 
any  eoUny  is,  or  can  be  a^twlly  or  virtually  rcprelentcd  by  the  /?r////7. 
boufe  of  ccmmom,  and  therefore,  that  the  Stamp  duties  are  fcverely 

jmpnftrd.  .11 

But  it  has  been  allc.lged,  that  if  the  right  to  ^/werrt^yr^^/  ^!''^P'°; 
perty  of  the  colonics  by  an  internil  taxation  is  dwiicd  by  the  huu  e  ot 
«t',,nunons,  the  fubur.linntion  and  dcircndcncc  ef  the  colonies,  and  the 
fupcrmtenJcnce  of  the  Bnujh  p.rliament  can't   be  confirtcntly   cUa, 

Mifh'd That  any  fuppofed  line  of  diiiinau.n  between  the  two  calc5 

is  but  "  a    whimlicil  ima-.n^Kion.  a  chimerical   (peculation   againn: 

♦'  ht\  and  experience." Now,  under  favour,  1    conceive  there  rs 

more  confidence,  than  folidity  in  this  aflcrtion  •,  and  it  ma>  be  Mtis- 
fadofily  and  eaUly  proved,  that  the  fubordination  and  dependence  of 
the  colonies  may  be  preferred,  and  xht  fupume  authority  of  the  mother 
country  be  firmly  Supported,  and  yet  the  principle  of  rep>;elentatioM, 
and  the  right  of  the  Britijh  hoiile  of  commons  flowing  from  //,  to  gr.'i 
M-l^rant  the  nroperty  of  the  commons  of  Amertc(k,  be  denied. 

The  colonies  arc  dependent  upon  Great  Britain,  and  the  fupremc 
amhority  vefted  in  the  liing,  lords,  and  commons,  may  ^uilly  be  exer- 
died  10  iccure,  or  prclervc  their  dependence,  whenever  necellary   tcfr 
that  puipofe.     This  authority  refults  from,  and  is  hmplied  in  the  ided 
of  the  relation  fubfifting  between  Entland  and  her  colonies  ;  for,  con- 
fidering  the  nature  of  human  afreaions,the  inferior  is  not  to  be  truHcfl 
^■i,h  providing  regulations  to  prevent  his  nfing  to  an  equahtv  with  his 
fuper.or.     But,  though  .he  right    of  the  fupcrior  to  ufe  the   proper 
means  for  prefcrving  the  fub.udinatioii  of  his  interior  is  admitted,  yet 
it  does  not  neceflatily  follow,  that  he  has  a  right  to  feize  the  property 
of  his  inferior  when  he  pleafes,  or  to  command  him  in  every  thing  ; 
fince,  in  the  degrees  of  it,  there  may  very  well  CK.It  -^  dependence  and 
inferiority,  without  ahfolute  vajala^e  in^Jlavery.     In  what  the  lupe.ior 
may  r/p/!>//«//v  controul,  or  compel,  and  in  what  the  inferior  ought    o 
be  at  liberty  to  aa  without  controul  or  compuliion,  depends  upon  the 
nakire  of  the  dependence,  and  the  degree  of  the  fubordination  ;  and, 
thefc  being   afcertained,  the  meafurc  of  obedience,    and  lubmilnon, 
and  the  extent  of  the  authority  and  fupcrintendence  will  be  fe.tlco. 
When  powers,  compatible  with  the  relation  between  rt,e  iupcnor  ana 
inferior,  have,  by  cxprefs  co.npadt,  been  granted  to,  and  accepteQ  bv. 


t,bc1 

bv  tl 

occa 

peric 

tior, 

B 

to    i 

pciu 

the 

ttte. 

peri 

did' 

per 

iucl 

fert 

fpc 

$r. 

am 

of 

wa 

tio 

ftr 

thi 

fc-i 

at 

T 

th 

P< 

C9 

IK 

it 


every  rcfpcct  proper 

f  o^her  ciicumftancc» 
of  a  taxation  by  the 
not  one  inhabitant  in 
efentcd  by  the  l]ritt_/h 
ip  duties  are  feverel/ 

'hf  cHd  grant   tlic  pro- 
Jwiicd  by  the  huu(c  of 

the  colonies,  and  the 
:  be  confil^cntly  ciU' 
leiween  the  two  cafes 
:al  Ipcculation  againft 
T,  1  conceive  there  n 

;  and  it  ma>  be  Citis- 
ion  and  dependence   of 

authority  of  the  motheV 
:iple  ofrepielentation, 
flowing  from  «/,  to  givi 
iiOy  be  denied. 
itain,  and  the  fupreme 
)ns,  mayjuiUybeexer- 
ivhenever  necefl'ary  tdr 
1  is  implied  in  the  idea 
ler  colonies  ;  for,  con- 
:rior  is  not  to  be  truttctl 

tn  an  equality  with  his 
:tior  to  ufc  the  proper 
nterior  is  admitted,  yet 
Tht  to  feixe  the  property 
nd  him  in  every  thing  ; 
ill  cy.ilt  a  (dependence  and 
y.  in  what  the  fupetior 
hat  the  inferior  ou^,ht  to 
iHion,  depends  upon  the 
the  ftibortlinaiion  -,  and, 
dience,  and  fubmiffion, 
endence  will  be  fettled. 
)etwccn  t+ie  fupcrior  and 
ted  ty,  and  accepted  bv, 
the 


[     ^5    ] 

,h.  latter  a.id  >,ave  been,  after  that  comp-.H,  rcpratedly  rcco^X.^rJ 
t  the  cu.n  r  ...  When  they  .nav  be  cxc.c.led  cttecttul.y  "!>-"  --/ 
o  caao  n^l  thou,  any  injury  to  that  .elat.on.  the  authonty  of  the  u- 
;er;:,rTa"  properly'  intlrpolc  ;  for.  by  the  powcu  ve.Ud  .n  thw  .uic- 

'^X^^^  cS^t-r:^  government,  the  colonies  arc  empowered 
^  1  nv,;.   nf.u,<r  is  romoatib  e    wi  h  thtir   oc- 

;;^S  parliament,  t^por^many  occal.ons  j   -d  >t  .nay  be  c.e..  ^ 
elK'Clually  without  llr.king  at,  or  tmpeachmg,  m  any  relpedt,  tU  , 
ucrtntcndenc.  of  the  Bntijh  parlument.     May  not  then  the   line     e 
I  Sy  a",d  iuf^lv  drawn  betweeffu^h  adt.  as  are  ncccflary,  or  pro- 
p       tor  preleiving  or  fecurmg  the  dependence  of  the  colon.e,    and 
S  «   are  not  ne'cefla.y  or  proper  for  that  very  .mportant  p^rpo  e  ? 
When  the  powers  were  conferred  upon  the  colon.e  ,  '^ey  ue  e  con 
ferred  too  as  privilciics  and  immunities,  and  accepted  as  fuch  .  or,  to 
fS  more  properly,  the  pruilejies  belonging  necel lardy   to  them  as 
ivir^^^lX'werHolernnlv  declared  and  confirmed  by  the.r  charter, 
ar^d  thev    who  fettled  in  Jrnenca  under  the   encourajrt,«ent  and  fauh 
Tf£l  charters,  underflood,  not  only    that  They  .,,ht    ^ut  that  t 
was  their  rij^ht  to  exercifc  thofe  power,  without  controul,  or  p  cven- 
^on      In  fome  of  the  charters    the  d.flina.on  is   expreflcd,  and  tha 
1  ron.eft  declarations  made,  and  the  moft  folcrjut  aflur.nces  given,  that 
the  fettlers  fhould  not  have  their  property  taxed  without  the.r  own  con- 
fc.  t  by  th  ir  reprefentatives;  though  their  leg.flative  authority  is  hmued 
atthe  fame  time,  by  the  fubordin.tion  implied  .a  the.r  relation,     .d 
Thev  arTtherefme  reftraincd  for  making  ao^s  ot  aflui.biy  repugnant  to 
the  laws  of  England;  and,  had  the  diinnition  not  been  exprtfltd.  the 
powers  ^iven  would  have  implied  it,  for,  .f  the  parliament  may  .n  any 
cafe  interpofe,  when  the  authority  of  the  cplon.es  is  adequate  to    he 
occar.on,and  not  limited  by  their  fubordinar.on  to  the  mother  c  .untr), 
it  may  in  every  cafe,  which  would  make  another  appellation  mo.cpro- 
per  to  defcribe  their  condition,  than  the  name  by  which  the.r  mhab.- 
ants  have  been  ufually  called,  and  have  gloried  in. 

Hicaufc  the  parliame.it  ipav,  who  the  rela.on  between  Guat 
Bntnm  and  her  colonies  calls  for  an  exertion  of  her  fuper.ntcndence. 
bind  the  colonies  by  ftatute,  therefore  a  parliamentary  interpol.t.on  m 
every  other  inftance,  is  juliifiable,  is  an  inference  that  may  be  denied. 
On  fome  emergencies,  the  king,  by  the  c«na.tution,  hatn  an  ablo- 
Ime  power  to  provide  for  the  faftty  of  the  ^tatc  j  to  t-'ke  care,  lue  a 
Reman  difiator,  nc  quid  del>  Imoui  coplat  rejiuh:u0,  [  That  the  ccmn.on 


(  I6  ) 

wealth  may  notfufFcr.]  and  this  powrr,  is  not  rpccifically  annexed  to  the 
infinarchy  by  any  cxprtfs  law  i  it  nccrflatily  icfults  from  the  end  and 
nature  of  government  ;  but  who  would  infer  from  this,  that  the  king, 
in  every  initance,  or  upon  every  occafion,  can,  upon  the  principle* 
of  the  conrtitution,  cxcrcifc  lhi»  fuprcine  power. 

The  lint:Jh  mitti/itn  have,  in  the  mo(t  cflctitual  terms,  at  different 
periods,  from  the  icign  of  Charla  II,  to  that  of  the  prefcnt  king,  re- 
cognized this  diHindtion  in  their  requifitions,  tranrmiticd  to  the  colo- 
nics to  raifc  and  levy  men  and  money,  by  afls  of  alTcmbly  ;  and  re- 
cently, in  the  courfc  of  the  lalt  war,  they  were  fo  far  from  thinking 
that  it  was  proper  for  the  Britijh  h^t  of  commons  to  givt  and  grant  the 
property  of  the  ceten'us  to  fupport  the  military  operations  in  America^ 
upon  which  not  only  the  immediate  prote£lion  of  that  part  of  the 
Jititi//}  (iominiens,  but  the  molt  important  intercfts,  peihaps  the  ulti- 
mate prefervation  of  Grtnt  Britain  from  deftru£\ion,  efli:ntially  de- 
pended i  I  fay,  on  this  great  occaiion  of  the  moft  important,  and  na- 
tional concernment,  the  Britijh  minijfen  were  lb  far  from  calling  upon 
the  houfe  of  commons,  \n  xhn'iX  peculiar  department,  to  ^/w  and  grant 
property,  belonging  neither  to  themfclvcs,  nor  their  conftituents,  that 
they  direflly  applied  to  the  colonies  to  tax  themfclvcs,  in  virtue  of  the 
authority  and  privilege  conferred  by  their  charters,  and  promifedto  re- 
commend it  to  the  Briti/b  Parliament  to   reimburfc  the  expence  they 

fljould  incur  i:i  providing  for  the  general  fervice They  made  good 

their  promiCc  i  and  if  all  the  nvoney  raifed  in  the  colonics,  by  adls  of 
alFembly,  in  purfuance  of  the  requifitions  of  the  Britifh  miniflers, 
liath  not  been  repaid   by  parliament,  a  very  confidcrable  part  of  it 

hath. 

Could  they,  who  made  the  requifitions  I  have  mentioned,  or  the 
aflcmblies  that  complied  with  them,  intend,  or  imagine  the  faith  of 
the  Englijh  government  was  to  be  prefcrved  by  a  retribution,  at  one 
time,  of  the  money  difburfcd  at  the  indance,  and  upon  the  credit  of 
the  Briti/h  minijlry,  enforced  and  fupported  by  royal  ajfurances,  and  by 
taking  it  back  again  at  another  time  ?  is  this  method  of  ksceping  the 
faith  of  govcrnm'cnt  to  be  ranked  among  the  »'  improvements  which 
*'  have  been  made  beyond  the  idea  of  former  adminiftraiions,  con- 
"  duiXei  by  minifters  iw;norant  of  the  importance  of  the  colonies,  or 
"  who  impotently  neglected  their  concerns,  or  were  diverted  by  mean 
"  purfuits,  from  attending  to  them  ?"  Is  it  abfolutcly  certain,  that 
there  never  can,  at  any  future  period,  arife  a  crifis,  in  which  the  cx- 
crtiuncf  the  colonics  may  be  iicceilary  j  or,  if  there  fl^.ould,  that  it 


wtl 

all 

tak 

be 

mi 

wl 

th< 
thi 
hu 
ex 
tai 
ra 
th 
ni 
at 
tJi 
le 

n 

I 

0 

e 
Y 


ifically  aniiuxcJtothe 
t!>  from  (he  end  and 
1  this,  that  the  king, 
,  upon  the  jirincipic* 

al  terms,  at  different 
the  prefent  king,  rc- 
[ifmittcd  to  the  colo- 
if  aflcmbly  ;  and  re- 
(o   far  from  thinking 

to  give  and  grtnt  the 
aerations    in  America^ 

of  that  part  of  the 
Is,  peiliaps  the  ulti- 
£\ion,  eflentially  dc- 
t  important,  and  iia- 
far  from  calling  upon 
t,  to  givt  and  grant 
ncir  conftituents,  that 
vcs,  in  virtue  of  the 
s,  and  proniifcd  to  te- 
le the  cxpence  they 

They  made  good 

;  colonies,  by  ads  of 
the  Britifh  minifters, 
jnfidcrable  part  of  it 

c  mentioned,  or  the 
imagine  the  faith  of 
a  retribution,  at  one 
nd  upon  the  credit  of 
yrt/  ajfurances,  and  by 
icthod  of  k^eeping  the 
improvements  which 
adminiftralions,  con- 
re  of  the  colonies,  or 
•ere  diverted  by  mean 
folutely  certain,  that 
lis,  in  which  the  cx- 
thcre  fl^ould,  that  it 


[     «7    ] 

W.U  bring  with  it  an  oblivion  of  .11  former  indlreftion  (--But  thii  It 
a  fubica  fitter  tor  fiient  meditation,  than  public  difcuflion 

There  was  a  time  when  mcafures  of   prevention   in.ght  have  been 

taken  by  the  colonies. There  may  be  a  Time   «^hen   icdrefs   may 

be  oStained Till   then,  prudence,  as  well  M  duty,   requires  lub- 

""h"J  prefumed  that  it  w*.  a  notable  fervice  done  by  New-England 
whe,^  thrSia  of  that  colony  reduced  Cafe  Breton,  fince  ,t  enabled 

thefinvVm-i/Z-'to  make  a  Jeace  '«<•»  f  •'•-;\»»7- "V^'in"  th" 

than  thev  otherwife  mu«  have  been  conftrained  to  fubm  t  m   the 

humble  ftare  to  which  they  were  then  reduced.—--  f  hat  '-  6""" 

exertion  ./  the  colonies  in  North- America,  during  the  laft  war,  not  only 

"iHated,\-t  wa.  indifpcnfably  requif.te  to  the   -«^«  ^^^^^d  t'ha't 

rations  by  which  fo  many  glorious  conqucfts  were  atchieved    and  that 

hofe  coiHiuefts  have  put  it  in  the  power  of  the  prelent  ,1  uftrious  mi- 

nift 'r. Tmake  .  peace  upon  terms  of  fo  much  glory  and   -d-ntage 

a   to  afford  an  inexhauftible  fubjeft  during   their   adm.n.ftrat.on    and 

?he  triumph  of  toryifm.  at  leatt.  for  their  ingenious  panegyr.fts  to  ce- 

^''^Tn'American,  without  juftly  incurring  the  imputation  oH^S^'/^-Jfj 
may  doubt,  whether  fome  other  motive,  befides  pure  g;"J'°J^y;  f 'f 
Tot  promp  the  Brtt,Jh  Nation  to  engage  in  the  defence  of  the  co  on  es. 
He  mav  be  induced  to  think  that  the  meafures  taken  i.x  the  pro'^aion 
of  the  Diantations,  were  not  only  conneftcd  with  the  intercfts,  but 
:  en  nS       to*  hrdefence  of  Great-BrUain  herfelf  ^ecaufc  he  may 
have  reafon  to  imagine  that  Great^rUau,,  could  not  long  f^bf  ft  «  aa 
independent  kingdom  after  the  lofs  of  her  colonies.— He  "lay;  *''" 
out  Lroeance,  Se  inclined  to  claim  fome  merit  from  the  exert  on  of 
colon  e!    fmce  it  enabled  Great  Britain  ultimately  to  defend  herfelf  ;  I 
m tn^hat  kmd  of  merit  which  arifes  from  benefits  'lone  to  others    by 
the  operation  of  meafures  taken  for  our  own  ^'^es  ....a  me^r.t  ".oft  ^^^^^ 
luftrioufly  difplaycd  in  the  generofity  of  Great  Brttmn,  when    wiin 
ihei   CO  operation,  (he  protedled  the  colonies  to  prelerve  herfelf. 

WhenKufe'  i,  in  flames,  and  the  next  neighbour  -"..cmely 

aaive.^nd  exerts  his  endeavour,  to  extinguifti  the  fire    which     .f  not 

conquered,  weuld  catch,  and  cor.fume  hi.  own  dwelling,  I  don   fay 

Sf    he'owner  of  the  houfe  which  had  been  in  flames.  ^o.\A   ^U 

TL  fubdued,  complaifantly  thank  h.s  n*'Bhbour  genera  lyjo^h.s 

f.rvices      he    would  be  abfurdly  ceremonious;    but,    f  the    alUttant 


I 


[  18  ] 

iperit  of  hii  Te»l  «nd  taWnjy  he  would  defcrve  to  be  put  in  miiid  of 
the  motive  of  his  fervice.  rr  i  ,„^^ 

If  the  advantages  gained  by  the  iste  moj^  tltncus  *ndjucttjijul  vjmt 
have  been  lecured  Wy  an  tdequatt  peace if  the  lucccllci  »hat  attend- 
ed the  inilit;iry  operati.ni  of  the  Brttijh  irms,  were  the  eftedl  of  tne 
coniuna  efForti  of  the  Untijh  Nation  and  her  Colonies,  roufcd  by  the 
fuirit,  excited  by  the  virtue,  animated  by  the  vsgour,  and  condudleU 
by  the  wildom  of  the  aWeft  minilter  that  ever  fcrved  his  country,  has 
there  been  no  c«mpenfaiion  received  for  the  charge*  o»  llie  war  i  arc 
the  colonies  entitled  to  no  credit  for  it  ? 

When  the  defign  is  to  opprels  the  colonies  with  taxes,  o  calum- 
niate the  late  patriotic  minifter,  the  txtimti  tf  th»  war  and  the  mtr- 
mity  of  the  natttnal  dtbt  are  proclaimed:  When  the  prtfcnt  all  accom- 
plilhcd  adminiftration  is  to  be  celebrated.  'HtTi  is  the  immenl.  valut 
of  the  new  acquifuions  difplayed  in  the  Lrighteft  colows,  "  ■cquiU- 
«'  tions  vaft  in  extent,  richly  produaive  cf  the  valuable  comnioditics 
"  belonging  to  their  feveral  climates.  The  pofleffion  of  thole  m 
Ntrth-AmirtcM,  enfures  the  fafety  of  the  other  colonies  there,  inlo- 
much  that  our  only  dangerous  neighbours,  the  Fnmh,  do  not  thmfc 
the  pittance  left  worth  retaining,  having,  by  the  ccOion  of  /-«»/<- 
ana  to  the  Spaniards,  avowedly  given  up  tor  ever  thofc  great  ob  c6ts, 

"  for  which  alone  th«y  began  the  war The  ceded  idands  are  almolt 

«  of  equal  advantage,  for  protetSting  our  ow»,  and  annoying  the  let- 
««  tlements  of  the  Frt.uh  and  Spaniards,  if  they  fhould  be  again  our 
*'  enemies.     Part  of  Neva  Sctiia,  fincc  the  removal  of  the  neutral 
•»   Frtnch,  hath  been  already   fettled    by  10,000   inhabitants,  within 
*'  the  compafs  of  fix  or  feven  years,  a  province  lately  confidered  as 
♦'  no  more  than  a  proper  fituation  for  a  fortrcfs,    whofe  garrilon  it 
«<  could  not  fubfift  :  Even  Cape-BreUn,  that  barren  appendage  to  the 
«'  province  of  Nova  Scotia,  is  known   now  to  contain  trcafures   fo 
««  worthy  of  attention,  as  to  be  rdcrved  to  the  crown.     The  mines 
there  are  not  veins  i  they  are  mountains  of  c«al ;  vaft  clifts  ot  no- 
thing elfe,  ftandopcn,  and  acccffible  ;  no  boring  neceflary   to  hnd 
it ;  no  pit  necefTary  to  con^p  at  it ;  n*  fire  engines  rcquifue  for  car- 
rying on  the  works.     This  illand,  and  all  the  neighbouring  Ihores 
in  the  gulpb  of  St.  Laurence,  have  another  fund  of  wealth  in  their 
fiihcries.     Cam'-^a  is  ;»lready  a  very  flourifhing  colony,  inhabited  by 
90,000  peopU-,  Anvlihr.;;  demand  on  Great  Britain  for  a  fupply  of 
«  manufaaures,  niu'Ut  uumediatpl-  cr^-ifideiable.     The  peltry  will 
««  he  another    -a  l.r«nrl'  of  commeice.     mji- Florida  is  furprifingly 
«♦  fertile,  and  luxuriantly  produaive  in  its  natural  ftatc,  of  every 

'♦  thing. 


(( 
«t 

(C 


tt 
*( 

C( 


b 
tl 

e 

e 
r 

e 
I 
t 
t 

t 
I 

1 
( 

I 


)  be  put  in  tn 


J  gnd  fuctififul  vjsr 
ucccires  that  attend- 
•re  the  efFed* 


of  tho 
onics,  roufeJ  by  the 
put,  and  condudled 
i^ed  his  country,  ha» 
»ei  ot  ilic  war  f  aro 

ith  taTBt,  o  calum- 
f  war,  and  the  etitr- 
lic  prr.fcntall  accom- 

the  iaimen(t  valu« 
\  coloMii,  "  tcquifi- 
uluable  commoditie* 
oflcffion  of   thofe  in 

coloniei  there,  info- 

Fremh,  do  not  think 
the  ceffion  of  Leuiji- 
er  thofc  great  obicils, 
ded  idandi  are  almolt 
and  annoying  the  fct- 

fhould  be  again  our 
moval  of  the  neutral 

0  inhabitants,  \*ithin 
lately   confidered   as 

fs,    whofe  garrifon  it 
rrcn  appendage  to  the 

1  contain  trcafurei   fo 
crown.     The  mines 

•al ;  vaft  clifts  of  no- 
Qring  nccefl'ary  to  find 
gines  requifite  for  car- 
le neighbouring  (bores 
■und  of  wealth  in  tbrir 
g  colony,  inhabited  by 
Britain  for  a  fupply  of 
able.  The  peltry  will 
\- Florida  is  furprifingly 
natural  ftatc,  of  e«ery 
*'  thing. 


[     >9     ] 

..  thin.,  .nd  n,t  nn!v  promif.ng,  but  a-Oually  producing  ^  me.  ami 

"  [''n;oloffh?.d1irimu.,Mh.  ebullition   of  an  cKuWer.nt  fancy. 
Is  no  part  ot  inn^wripi  ,efro(Deaion  to-    udi  i        man, 

„d  Hull  we  not  eft  one  gla""  <.  ''""'S^yd  ,„d  ,onk  mt..  the 
who,  wl..„  h..  --«'y  **••  •'^^It:  b?  1  -mg  her  .on.  w.th  that 
n,oft  ahjedl  cond.t.on  «  ;^;^-'^;  j;  'jHch'L'eU  was  an.tnatcd. 
Invinc.bic    f.four  rt  ?»*"''";♦  ^V^'^^'^^^.^y,  »nd  retrieved  her  ho- 

nrlLS  U^J  he^^e-^;  -^-^^  r '"  '''  ""'"'"'  °^ 
rirftr::gth.  an>i.Hc.upport.of  .he.^^^^^^^^^^  ^^  ^^^^^„,^. 

Are  the  «^^"''"'""^ f „  J'.u^JJ^",    t  h-^^      'orne   conluUrat.o., 

blr  valuable,  and  o-ght  "»' '*^f,;;;,""'"  *°„,,  ,hofe  acquifttion.  Juw- 

that  were  isirtrumental  m  the   ""'"^' ^^'^^f^/,'^,;,  .o'^.hat  degree  of 

ed,  and  ttrained  every  nerve    "'^^  g^"'  *'  ZZ%r,ta,n,  .11  the  a- 

exertion,  that  without  .t.  a  '^^e  powe   ^^  ,^^  unparalleU 

„a.ng  abilitie,  of  ^»^- ^    "'    "  „d  leaLn,  cLld  not  have  ...l- 

led  bravery  of  her  "»«'""*  "°7.,    r   j     ?  if  the   war  was  cxpc:  live 

ed  beyond  n.eer  defence,  .f  '^•PP''/ J" ''V.ccUe.  of  it  beneficial.     If 

beyond  all  forrnerexampk^  ^^  ^^,^,^^^  ,.,j,ft,y 

the  expences  attending  the  m.iuary  °PJ=  •  j  „„  p^r,  „t  it  to 

to  be  charged  to  the  <"!«  fj-.f^""  "^  ^Z  To    extending  her  domi- 

thc  fecurity  of  ^/-'-^"'-/"V^c  fle.  ot     h.  war  have  been  archie ved 

nions  by  conqtiefl,  .f  »''   '^"J"'"""  ^  any  afliftancc. 

by  the  national  arn»s  of  (.real  ^'""1^^°^,   .not  the   claim  againft 

o?  co-operation  of  the  Pl--t.on.    U^U   ou        not  the  ^^  ^^^^    ,^^^^ 

the  colonies  in  ^q^'^'J"  Jj  S  tWe  r  c  """i^ution  to  the  national  re- 

ret;;it:;Torof;l::aX.^Hic^^ 

Sr^  nation  ^^^yWi^J^^  ^n  Iq^  ^^  ^  to  the  contrihu- 
If  moreover,  ^'''f' /"'J  «  ;•^,'!' '"  ^^ned    uheir  ci.cumftance^, 
tionot-  the  colonies   .tou^hto  be  Pjo^^^^^^^^^^    .,-..„  the  mofteafy. 
and  they  might,  furely,  be  "«"'|J"        .^  ^^^  j  n,can»  convenient, 

and  fatisfaaory  n^'-""" '° 'j^^^'^^i^  '  oitrT^^^^^^^  .  asAvell  as  oppreir.vc 
and  conc.liatmg  would  P'O'^^" '."^^''^^^^^^^  humanity  orpoli- 

and  difgufting  exa«.on.,  ^  -^^^  ""^  J^Te'  without  an  adlual 
cy,  to  purfue  the  latter.....A  PO^e    m»y  ^  ^^^^^^  ^^  ^^_ 

cxercife  of  it,  and  it  .ndkatcs  «J'"3°^. ''"^e  fd  th»t  rules  them, 
ercife  it,  only  that  the  fubjedls  of  U  maj  fc  the^  ^d  «»  ^^^^  ^.^^ 
Moderation  may  be  obferved,  and  equ  ty  rn^'-^*^^^  whatever  the  ap- 
that  fuperiority  is  afferted,  and  authority  vindicate,    wna  J 


c-gi^-TCT  rr  iTi  anp-  ih-an^wB 


..-.uiaaiM' 


[       20      ] 


prchcnfions  of  pufillanimlty,  or  the  infolence  of  ufurpation  may  fug- 

What  is  the  annual  fum  cxpeded  from  the  colonies---what  proportion 
from  each--  how  far  do  their  abilities  extend  ?    Ihefe  matters  have 
been,  without  (li>ubt,  preci(dy  afcertained,   or  eafily  may  be,  at   a 
time  *'  when  the  real,  the  fubftantiai,  the   commercial   interefts  of 
f '  Great  Britain,  are  preferred  to  e»ery  other  confideration,  and  it  is 
*»  fo  well  known,  that  the  trade  whence  it's  greateft  wealth  is  derived, 
««  and  upon  which  it's  ma-itime  power  is  principally  founded,  depends 
*«  upon  a  wife  and  proper  ule  of  the  colonies,"  which  implies,  at  leaft, 
fuch  an  undertanding  of  their  circumftances,  as  mull  render  it  extreme- 
ly eafy,  to  form  a  reafonable  eftimate  of  their  comparative  wealth, 
and  the  extent  of  their  abilities.     The  proportion  of  each  colony,  be- 
ing focafily  afcertainable  at  this  period  of  uncommon  knowltdge  of  their 
affairs,  why  has  the  courfc  obferved  hyfermer  rainifters,  when  fupplies 
have  been  expetted  from  AmeriM,  been  negiedled  by  ihe pre/ent?  Why 
was  there  not  the  ufual  requiution  communicated  to  the  provincial  af- 
femlilies,  inttead  of  exading  an  uncertain  and  unequal  fum  from  each 
colony,  by  a  law  abruptly   pafl'ed,  without  any   previous   default  of 
thofe  who  are  affe£led  by  it  ? — I  fhall  not  call  it  a  law  repugnant  to 
their  genius,  cancelling  their  charters,  infringing  the  moft  valuable 
rights  and  privileges  of  Britijh  fubjeds,  derogatory  from  the  faith  and 
honour  of  government,  unjuff  and  cruel  in  its  principles,  rigorous  and 
opprefllve  in   the  m^^ns  provided  for  its  execution,  and  as  pernicious 
in  its  confequences  to  the  irother  country,  as  injurious  to  the  colonies 
in  its  immediate  operation  ;  but  1  may  call  it  a  rigorous  and  fevere  iaw. 
It  is  In  vain  to  attempt  a"  palliation   of  this  ufelefs  feverity,  (ufelefs  I 
mean  to  the  purpofe  of  raifing  a  revenue)  by  fallacioufly  pretendini'; 
that,  as  all  the  colonies  were  to  be  taxed,  and  the  authority  of  each 
is  limited,  the  interpoiition  of  the  parliament  became  necefTary,  fince 
nothing  can  be  lefs  difputable,  than  that  each  colony  hath  a  compe- 
tent authority  to  raife   it's   proportion,  and   confequently   nothing  is 
/  more  evident,  than  that  all  the  colonies  might  raife  the  whole.     *  The 

affcrtion, 
It 

*  It  11  ■ilcrted  in  the  pamphlet  entitled,  tbe  tlaim  of  the  caUniei,  (jfe.  that 
Maryland  availing  hcrfelf  of  thd  pfOtrflion  of  Virginia  and  Penn/jlvania, 
contributed  nothing  to  the  common  defence.  Tfafs  writer  from  a  view  of 
feme  map  of  Nartb- America,  imagined,  it  (hould  feem,  that  Ftrghia  aid 
FtHnfjiniania  were  fettled  fo  as  to  encoapafi  Marjluid;  bat  the  tiuth  is,  that 

tht 


h 
c 

ii 
r 
r 

I 
< 


'1^ 


•  ufurpation  may  fug- 

iies---what  proportion 
J  hefe  matters  have 
eafiiy  may  be,  at   a 
immercial    intereftt  of 
onfideration,  and  it  is 
ateft  wealth  is  derived, 
lally  founded,  depends 
vhich  implies,  at  jeait, 
mil  render  it  extreme- 
comparative  wealth, 
>n  of  each  colony,  be- 
non  knowledge  of  their 
linifters,  when  fupplies 
by  the pre/ent?  Why 
:d  to  the  provincial  af- 
inequal  fum  from  each 
f   previous    default   of 
1  it  a  law  repugnant  to 
ng  the  moft  valuable 
tory  from  the  faith  and 
>rincipies,  rigorous  and 
ion,  and  as  pernicious 
ijurious  to  the  colonies 
igorous  and  fevere  law. 
left  feverity,  (ufelefs  I 
faliacioufly  pretcndiri!'; 
d  the  authority  of  each 
>ecame  necefl'ary,  fincc 
I  colony  hath  a  compe- 
3nfequemly   nothing  is 
life  the  whole.     *  The 
aflertton, 


m  »f  the  C9i»niti,  (ifc.  that 
rginia  and  fennfjl'vania, 
1  writer  from  a  view  of 
feera,  that  Vfrginia  aad 
land;  bat  the  truth  u,  that 
tka 


[      21      ] 

affertion  that  the  colonies  would  have  paid  no  regard  to  any  requifiti- 
ons,  is  ra(h  and  unauthorized,  and  had  the  event  adualjy  happened, 
the  trouble  and  lofs  of  time  to  the  minifters  in  malting  the  experi- 
ment, would  not  have  been  confiderabic  or  detrimental  to  the  nation, 
and  aftci  its  failure,  an  a6t  of  parliament  might  (till  have  been  made 
to  compel  the  contribution,  if  the  power  which  hath  been  cxercifed 
is  defenfible  up(>n  the  principles  of  the  Briujh  conjliiution, 

A  mcafure  fo  extreme,  could  hardly   be  at  once   purfued,  becaufe 

the  miaiiters  did  not  know  what  to  demand,  who  have  made  fo  many 

jegulatioHS  in  regard   to  the  colonies,  *'  jfbundMl   ueon  knowledge, 

*'  formed  with  judgment,  and  executed  with  vigour.  *     Had   the  re- 

quifitions  been  communicated,  1  make  no  doubt  but  they  would  have 

been  entertained  with  refped,  and  produ(!live  of  all  the  cfFeds  that 

could  reaf^;nably  have  been  expdfled  from  them.     A  petty  Jmerkan 

aflembly  would  not,  in  anfwer  to  fuch  requifitianii,  have  inipertinent- 

ly  recommended  the  redudion  of  exorbitant    falaries,  the   abatement 

of  extravagant,  and  the  abolition  of  illegal  perquifues,  the  fxtindion 

of  ufelefs  places,  or  the   difbanding  of  undeferving,  or  ill   deferving 

penfioners,  as  a  more  proper  and  beneficial  method   of  relieving  the 

public  burthens,  than  a  new  and    heavy  impofttion  upon   ufeful   and 

induilrieus  fubje^ts. 

Have  great  things  been  promifed  for  the  eafe  of  the  people  of  Ertj^' 
land,  and  hath  a  mcafure  been  fallen  upon,  that,  by  putting  the  ac- 
complifhment  of  them  at  a  diftancc,  and  kee^g  expe(^ation  alive, 
it  may  contribute  to  the  prolongatiuw  of  a  power,  which,  in  the  inte- 
rim, will  find  fufficient  opportunities  to  gratify  the  views  of  minide- 
ria!  avarice  or  ambition  ? 

If  a  fum  had  been  liquidated,  and  a  precife  demand  made,  it  might 
perhaps  have  been  (hewn,  if  proportioned  to  the  circumlfances  of  the 
colonies,  to  be  of  no  real  confequence  to  the  nation  ;  and,  if  above 

their 

the  froatiert  of  Maryland  were  ai  muck  expofcd,  at  thoCt  af  the  next  colo- 
nial, and  the  faft  i>  moreover  fallc,  for  I  have  been  well  ieformed  that  A/<i. 
rjr/ani/ contributed  near  50,000/.  and  incurred  befidcs  a  confidcrable  cx« 
pence,  which  ii  now  a  debt  opon  the  pubiia  journal  of  ih*t  colony,  by  put- 
ting her  militia  into  aflkalYcrvict,  and  that  an  unhappy  di'fpute,  attended 
with  a  very  heavy  provincial  chargr,  on  fome  topic  of  privilege,  wai  ih« 
real  caufe,  why  the  {rami  of  Maryland  were  not  more  liberil.  After  all, 
there  have  been  inflnncei,  I  fpeak  not  of  more  nodern  timet,  in  which  the 
parfinony  of  the  parliament  hath  been  complaineii  of,  and  the  notion  of 
privilege  carried  to  a  great  length  by  i\\r.  houfe  of  commont ;  but  thefe  hive 
not  b«ea  thought  folid  reafeni  for  flrippin;;  their  confticuenu  of  their  righti; 


1^ 


t( 


[      22      ] 

thrir  circumftances,  that  it  would,  with  the  opprcffion  of  the  planta- 
ions,  prove  ruinous  t.  the  Britijh  manufadurcs ;  but,  wh.lit  matters 
are  thus  vague,  and  indeterminate,  any  attempt  to  ftew  that  xh./l"->P 
JL';"  will  be  inadequate  to  the  pramifed  relief,  d.ftrefs  the  cc^.n-es, 
and  o^fequently  beggar  the  Brttijh  manufaclurer,,  may  be  obmted 
bv  (avine,  that  «  the  aft  is  in  the  nature  of  an  experiment  i  >f  ina- 
-'^deSe,  other  methods  may  be  fuperadded  ;  if  'nconv»n';"^  '' 
«  m^y  be  repealed,  as  foon  a.difcovered  ;"  and  hmts  may  be  h  own 
out  at  the  fame  time,  to  cherilh  the  hopes  of  the  nation,  that  there 
arettbeftTroundsto  «.pe<a  f  the  meafu.c  will  be  produflivc  of 
all  that  can  be  dcfired  or  wilhed.  „..-.,!•.     ^ 

The  Z^^\  Republicans  of  N.rth- America,  (if  t^e  BnUjh  inhabitan  s 
th-reare  to  be  diftinguifhed  by  a  m.-^-««;;^^  becaufe  it  .mphes  that 
h^i  are  enemies  to  t!^  government  of  England,  and  ought  therefore 
o  b'e^egardTd' with  a  jeLus  eyej  may  be  ^'lo-d,' without  deroga- 
t\n<r  from  the  vaft  and  prodigious  knowleJge  of  a  mmtfter,  to  be  ac- 
aufinterwith  their  own  internal  circumn.-'ces  better  than  a  ftranger, 
whTrnufrdepen^^  updn  information,  and  that  too,  moft  frequently, 
Tf  men  not  th.moft  eminent  for  theh  candour,  diftinguilhed  by  the.r 
Jalac  ty,-ir  refpeftablc  for  their  integrity  Had  requifition,  been 
S  and  the  U  demanded  been  equitable,  and  proportioned  to 
S^eir  drcumftances,  vhey  could  have  fallen  upon  ways  and  mean,  lefs 
opprem"  ?han  the  W^""-  They  have  frequently  taxed  t  em- 
feives  •  Thcv  have  tried  various  methods  of  taxation  :  1  hey  know, 
by  exoer  enceVthc  eafieft  and  leaft  expenfive.  The  meaning,  or  con- 
ftuaiono?  their  levy-ad  is  fettled  :  They  can  be  ""-^^ -J°  ««- 
tion  not  enly  at  a  fmall  expence,  without  exhaufting  a  conlideraDie 
part'o"  thei^prodace  by  the  multiplication  of  officers,  and  the.r  fup- 
Tor  •  but  witLut  heav'y  pains  and  grievous  penalties,  -'thout  oppref- 
Ton  of  the  innocent,  giving  countenance  to  vexation,  »nd  ""»'^f;^ 

+  It  is  tp-ertad  by  the  author  of  the  cUim  ,f  the  cJltnit,,  /{'»;'•"•*•« 
Jci«»  trlding  ti  the  fcv.r.I  colonic,  ^^^  j^VcV/       " l^  U  h     c^^^^ 

fh/opPe   oVof  n  ^^id^  impoficion..  orwhat  will  be  th.  proper  re- 

ration  of  commerce,  tad  waa:  ol  employment  to  the  Brtt.Jh  mawtatturer.. 


mei 

and 
1 
froi 
Th 
gar 
den 
is  t 
dar 
the 
bee 
the 
col 

i<, 
are 
blii 
or 

ral 
vol 

clu 
nei 
am 
ex| 
th< 
th( 
thi 

CO 

thi 
an 

foi 
G, 
pa 
po 
fir 
ac 


VII 

an 


prefllon  of  the  planta- 
i ;  but,  whilil  matters 
to  fhcw  that  the  /lamp 
diftrcfs  the  colonies, 
ers,  may  be  obviated 
J  experiment  i  if  ina- 
d  }  if  inconvenient,  it 
i  hints  may  be  thrown 
fTc  nation,  that  there 
will  be  produftive   of 

t|ie  Brit'ijh  inhabitants 
ccaufe  it  implies  that 
',  and  ought  therefore 
awed,  without  deroga- 
if  a  minifter,  to  be  ac- 

better  than  a  ftranger, 
,t  too,  moft  frequently, 
,  diftinguifhed  by  their 
Had  requifitions  been 
e,  and  proportioned  to 
,n  ways  and  means  iefs 
requently  taxed  them- 
axation  :  They  know, 

The  meaning,  or  con- 
1  be  carried  into  execu- 
chaufting  a  confiderable 

officers,  and  their  fup- 
naUies,  without  oppref- 
xation,  and  encourage- 
ment 

thi  ethnies,  i^e,  that  the 
m  •ftimate  of  the  debt  due 
39  /.  It  would  have  been 
it  debt  » to  be  piW  under 
fhat  will  be  th«  proper  rc- 
iRt  ot  4,000,000  /,  a  fl*g- 
the  Briiijb  m^MtA&wttt. 


[      23       1 

ment  to  profligate  inforine»s,  without  the  cftablifhment  of  atbitrary 
and  dijlant  courts  of  +  admiralty. 

The  national  debt  is  heavy,  and  it  ii  a  popular  fchemc  to  draw 
from  colonics  a  contribution  towards  the  relief  of  the  mother-country. 
The  manner  of  efFeiling  it  is  not  carefully  attended  to,  or  nicely  re- 
garded by  thofe  who  expcft  to  receive  the  benefit.  The  end  is  fo  ar- 
dently defired,  that,  whether  the  means  might  not  be  more  moderate, 
is  not  fcrupuloufly  examined  by  men,  who  think  themfelve*  in  no 
danger  of  injury  or  oppreffion  from  their  fet-erity.  It  is  affirmed  to 
thotc  who  cannot  detect  the  falacy  of  the  afTertion,  that  millions  have 
been  expended /e/^/y  in  the  defence  of  America.  They  believe  it,  and 
thence  are  eafily  pcrfuadcd  that  the  claim  of  a  contribution  from  the 
colonies  is  juft  and  equitable,  and  that  any  meafure  ncceflary  to  fecure 
ic,  is  right  and  laudable.  It  is  reprefcnted,  that  unlcfs  the  colonies 
are  ftripped  of  the  trial  by  jury,  and  courts  of  admiralty  are  efta- 
bliihed,  in  which  judges  from  England,  {Grangers,  without  connexion 
or  intereft  in  /tmerica,  removeable  at  pleafure,  and  fupported  by  libe- 
ral falaries,  are  to  prefide ;  unlefs  informers  are  encouraged  and  fa- 
voured, and  the  accufed  m«fl  rigoroufly  dealt  by,  that  the  tax  will  be 

eluded and  thefe  feverities  are  excufed  on  account  of  their  fuppofcd 

neccfTity.  The  colonics  are  defcribed  to  be  a  numerous,  flourifhing, 
and  opulent  people  :  It  is  alledgcd  that  they  contribute  to  the  national 
expence,  by  taxes  there  only  the  pitiful  fum  of  1900/.  per  year,  for 
the  colle£lion  of  which,  an  e(tabli(hment  of  officers,  attended  with 
the  expenceof  7600  1.  per  annum,  is  neceflfary.  Upon  thefe  premifes, 
the  uncafinefs  of  the  colonies,  at  being  forced  to  bring  more  into  the 
common  flock,  appears  to  be  unreafonable,  if  not  rebellious  ;  ar' 
they  fe,em  rather  to  deferve  rcprehcnfion  and  correflion,  than  favour 
and  indulgence. 

The  fuccefTcs  of  the  war  were  obtained  as  well  by  the  vigorous  ef- 
forts of  the  Colonies,  as  the  exertion  of  Great-Britain The  faith  of 

Greair Britain  hath  been  engaged  in  the  moft  folemn  manner,  to  re- 
pay the  colonies  the  monies,  levied  by  internal  taxations  for  the  fup- 
port  of  the  war.  Is  it  confident  with  that  faith  to  tax  them  towards 
Anking  the  debt  in  part  incurred  by  that  rc-paymen:  ?  The  immenle 
acceffion  of  territory,  and  value  of  the  acquifitions  obtained   by  the 

peace, 

t  It  was  formerly  lield  to  be  a*  grievoui  opprefSon,  that,  infiead  of  ha- 
ving  juAice  at  home.the  Knglijb  fubjcfl  was  drawn  to  Rome  by  Afteals,  but 
an  /tmerican  it  to  be  drawa  from  home,  in  the  riRsr  Insta.nci,  as  well  ai 
b/  tippcalt. 


"  T(|Tnmniim 


t'  :  \ 


!•  ! 


[      24      ] 

peace,  is  the  confcquence  of  the  fucccffes  of  the  war.. ...The  charge 
of  the  war  ii  Icflened  by  the  advantages  refulting  from  the  peace.    I  he 
colonies,  for  a  long  courfe  of  time,  have  largely  c»ntnout.<l   to   the 
public  revenue,  and  put  Great- Britain  to  little  or  no  expence  tor  ihar 
protcaion.     If  it  were  equitable  to  draw  from  them  a  further  con- 
tribution, it  does  not   therefore   follow,  'hat  it  is  proper   to  torce  it 
from  them,  by  the  harfh  and    rigorous   methods  eftabl.ftied   by   the 
ftamp  »a  i  an  aft  unequal  and  difproportioncd  to  their  c.rcumftance. 
whom  it  affcfts  ;  exempting  opulence,  crufhing  indigence  ;  and  tear- 
ing from  a  numerous,  loyal,  and  ufeful  People,  the  privileges  they 
had,  in  their  opinion,  earned  and  merited,  and  juftljr  held  moMea  . 
If  they  are  really  in  debt,  the  payment  of  it  hath  n*?*  ^een  rcfufed,  it 
hath  not  been  demanded.     If  one  fubjeft,  grown  giddy  ^^^'J'^^^^ 
elevation,  Oiould,  at  any  future  period,  ralhly  declare,  that  the  Colo- 
nies (hould  be  taxed,  at  all  events,  in  the  moft  rigorous  manner  ;  and 
that  millions  ot  induftrious  and  ufeful  fubjcfts  (hould  be  gricvoufly  op- 
prefTed,  rather  than  himfclf  depart  from  his  chara4ler_  of  pertinacity 
and  wilfulnefs,  check  the  impolfe  of  a  tyrannical  difpolu.on,  or  forego 
the  gratification  of  his  vanity,  in  a  wanton  difplay  of  power  }  I«bmil- 
fion  would  be  an  admirable  virtue  indeed,  if  not  the  effect  ot  impo- 

That  the  contribution  arifing  from  the  Jamp  duties  is  difproportion- 
ed  to /*«>  circumftanccs  from  whom  it  is  exaitcd,  is  manitelt ;  ror 
they  will  produce  in  each  colony,  a  greater  or  lefs  fum,  not  in  propor- 
tion to  its  wealth,  but  to  the  multiplicity  of  juridical  forms,  'he  quan- 
tity of  vacant  land,  the  frequency  of  transferring  landed  property,  tne 
extent  of  paper  negociations,  the  fcarcity  of  money,  and  the  number 
of  debtors:     A  larger  fum  will  be  fcxaded  from  a  tobacco  colony  than 
from  Jamaica  ;  and  it  will  not  only  be  higher  in  one   of  the  poorett 
colonics,  and  the  leaft  able  to  bear  it,  than  in  the  nchelt  ;  but  the 
principal  part  of  the  revenue  will  be  drawn  from  the  pooreft  '"d'^y'"- 
als  in  the   pooreft  colonies,  from   mortgagors,  obligors,  and  defen- 
dants.    If  this  be  true,  does  the  ad  defwve  the  encomium  of  being 
o  m»de  of  taxation  the  ea/te/h  "nd  the'  mojl  equal    a  duty  upon  property 
fpread  lightly  over  a  great  variety  of  fuhjeiis.  and  heavy  upon  none  f 
^^  The  commom  af  Great  Britain,  moreover,  in  their  capacity  of  «- 
prefentative,  not  only  give  and  grant  the  property  of  the  cohnusi  but 
in  my  conftruaion  of  the  ftamp-aft,  Chowever  every  reader  may  «- 
amine  and  judge  for  himfelf,;  give  and  grant  Mo  to  certain   officers 
ofthe  crown,  \  power  to  tax  them  higher  ftill ;  for  thefe  officers  w.li 
not,  I  ptefumc,  be  called  virtual  repre/eniauves  too  i  and  what  t^ej 


thi 
CO 
It 

th( 
th 
ho 
ou 
V 
of 
R, 
tw 

pa 
T 

th 

Uf 

is 
di 

th 
tri 
hi 
th 
m 
tr« 
th 
It 

c) 
to 
e> 

P« 

je 
'ti 

fe 
(( 

«( 

it 

( 

h 

tl 


4. 


I  war The  charge 

from  the  peace.  The 
f  c»iUribut':<l  to  the 
•  no  expence  tor  ih;ir 

them  a  further  con- 
is  proper  to  force  it 
is  ertabliflied  by  the 
;o  their  circumftances 
indigence  ;  and  tcar- 
,  the  privileges  they 
Juftly  held  moft^dcar. 
th  not  been  rcfufed,  it 
rn  giddy  with  fuddeit' 
Jeclare,  that  the  colo- 
rigorou*  manner  }  and 
iould  be  grievoufly  op- 
lara^er  o*  pertinacity 
il  difpofuion,  or  forego 
lay  of  power  ;  fabmif- 
»ot  the  effeft  of  impo- 

dut'tts  \%  difproportion- 
idled,  is  manifetti  for 
efs  fum,  not  in  propor- 
idical  forms,  the  quan- 
ng  landed  property,  the 
loney,  and  the  number 
\  a  tobacco  colony  than 

in  one  of  the  pooreft 
n  the  richeft  \  but  the 
)m  the  pooreft  individu- 
s,  obligors,  and  defen- 
he  encomium  of  being 
a/,  a  duty  upon  proptrty 
d  hfvy  upon  nine  ? 

in  their  capacity  of  rt- 
lerty  of  the  colonies ;  but 
:r  every  reader  may  ex- 

alfo  to  certain  officers 

II  i  for  thefe  officers  will 
ves  too  i  and  what  t'ey 

fiiall 


[       25      ] 

think  fit  to  levy,  by  an  ingenious  extent  of  the  fi£tlon,  will  not  be 
confidcreJ  as  levied  with  the  confent  of  the  colonics. ...The  inflanccs, 
I  believe,  ate  rare,  in  which  the  rcprefentatives  of  the  people  of  Eng- 
land have  delef^ated  to  officers  of  the  crown,  the  power  of  taxing 
their  conflitucnts,  nor  h^th  any  diftindion  yet  been  advanced  to  prove, 
that  in  their  capacity  of  virtual  reprcfentatives  of  the  colonies,  ihe 
houfc  of  commons  not  having  the  fame  confidence  repofed  in  them, 
ought  to  proceed  upon  peculiar  rules.  There  was  a  ftatute  of  Henry 
VIII,  by  which,  I  think,  the  king's  proclamations,  with  the  confent  ^ 
of  the  privy  council,  were  to  operate  as  laws  ;  and  another  fbtute  of 
Richard  II,  that  the  power  of  the  two  houfes  fhould  be  vcfled  in 
twelve  lords  ;  but  thefe  ads  bear  »a  refembhnce  to  the  ftampafl. 

The  ftamping  inflruments  are  to  be  retained  in  England.     Vellum, 
parchment,  and  paper,  are  to  be  fcnt  to  America,  ready  ffamped. ....... 

The  firft  commifConer  of  the  treafury,  or  the  commiffioners,  or  any 
three  or  more  of  them,  are,  by  the  adl,  impowered  to  fet  any  price 
upon  the  vellum,  parchment  and  paper,  and  the  payment  of  that  price 
is  fecurcd  and  enforced  by  the/ame  pains  and  penalties  that  theltamp- 
duties  are. 

If  the  fubftitution  of  an  arbitrary  civil  law  court,  in  the  place  of 
the  legal  judicatories,  and  that  defcrved  favourite,  the  common-law- 
trial  by  jury,  would  not  juftify  the  afTertion,  that  the  rtamp-a6t 
hath  ftripped  the  colonies  of  the  guards  and  fecurities  provided  bv 
the  conflitution  againil  oppreffion  uj  the  execution  of  laws,  I  wcu!d 
much  leis  prefume  to  fay,  the  veffing  in  the  commiffioners  of  the 
treafury  a  power  to  tax  the  colonies,  will  amply  juftify  the  aflertion, 
that  the  flamp-aft  hath  not  left  them  even  the  fhadow  of  a  privilege. 
It  is  indeed  fomcthing  dffficult  to  imagine  how  the  order  of  democra- 
cy, which  is  as  much  a  part  of  the  conftitution,  as  monarchy  or  arif- 
tocracy,  can  exift  when  the  people  are  excluded  from  a  fharc  in  the 
executing,  and  a  (hare  in  the  making  of  laws;  but  that  is  not  the 
prefent  cafe;  and,  though  I  may  not  be  able  to  anfwer  a  fpecious  ob- 
jc<aion,  formed  upon  general  principles,  I  am  not  obliged  to  adopt  it, 
'till  i  am  convinced  of  its  folidity. 

A  little  examination  will  find  how  unfair  and  deceptive  the  repre-^ 
fentation  is,  that  the  colonies  in  North- America,  "  two  millions  of 
*«  Britifif  fubjedls,  an  opulent,  thriving  and  commercial  people,  con- 
««  tribute  to  the  national  expence,  no  more  than  7  or  800  !.  per  an- 
'*  num  by  taxes  raifed  there-"  for  though  it  fliould  be  acknowledged, 
f  which  i  neither  acknowledge  nor  deny,  becaufe  I  do  not  know,  nor 
have  an  opportunity  of  coming  at  the  hSt)  that  the  impofiiions  upon 
the  mhabitants  of  the  colonics  do  not  raife  tbere^  a  greater  fum  than 

P  haih 


i! 


if'" 

I'     1 


{  • 


[       26      ] 


hath  been  Rated,  it  doih  not  follow  that  «  the  inluWitaitts  of  the  C». 
«  Ionics  arc  indulged  it  the  expcnce  of  Great  Brttamy  and  that  the 
••  necdieft  Britijh  cottager,who  out  of  his  fcanty  pittance  hardly  earn- 
««  ed,  pays  the  high  duties  of  cuftoms  and  excile  in  the  price  of  hi» 
««  confumptions,  has  reafon  to  connplain,-  if  immenfe  fums  are  raifed 
Mpon  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies  W/w*/fr/. 

Byfuch  artifices  and  fophiftry,  is  ignorance  miOed,  creduhty  de- 
ceived, and  prejudices  excited.  Thus  oppreffion  gains  the  credit  of 
eauity,  cruelty  pafTes  fo»  moderation,  and  cyr-nny  tor  juftice,  and  the 
tfJan  who  deferves reproach,  is  celebrated  by  adulation,  »nd  ap- 
plauded by  delufion  for  his  wifdom  and  patriotic  virtues. 

The  truth  is,  that  a  vaft  revenue  arifcs  to  the  BriUjh  nation  from 
taxes  paid  by  the  colonies  in  Great-Britain,  and  even  the  moji  ignorant 
Britifh  cottager,  not  impofed  upon  by  infamcus  milreprelenta- 
tion,  muft  pe.ccive,  that  it  is  of  no  confcquence  to  his  eafe  and  re- 
lief whether  the  duties  raifed  upaii  Amtrita  are  paid  there,  aud  thcncs 
afterwards  remitted  to  Great-Britain,  or  paid  at  firjt  upon  the  produce 
of  ;he  colonies  in  Great  Britain. 

In  the  article  of  tobacco,  for  inflance,  the  planter  pays  a  tax  upon 
that  produce  of  his  land  and  labour  confumed  in  Great  Britain,  mora 
than  iix  times  the  clear  fum  received  by  him  for  it,  befidcs  the  ex- 
pcnces  of  freight,  commiffion  and  other  charges,  and  double  freight, 
commiffion  and  charges  upon  the  tobacco  re-exported,  by  which  the 
Britifh  merchants,  mariners  an#  other  Britijh  fubjcfls,  arc  fupported 

a  tax,  at  leaft,  equal  to  what  is  paid  by  any  farmtr  of  (areat- 

Britain,  noffeffed  of  the  fame  degree  of  property  ;  and  moreevcr  the 
planter  mutt  contribute  to  the  fupport  of  the  expenfive  internal  ge- 
vernment  of  the  colony,  in  which  he  •  refidcs. 

Is  it  objeacd,  that  the  duties  charged  upon  tobacco,  fall  ultimately 
upon  the  confumers  of  this  commodity  in  the  confequential  price  fct 
upon  it  f  Be  it  fo,  and  let  the  principle  be  eftablilhed  that  all  taxes 
upon  a  commodity,  are  paid  by  the  confumers  of  it,  and  the  conle- 
fcquence  of  this  principle  be  fairly  drawn,  and  equally  applied. 

The  fin///*  confumers  therefore,  ultimately  pay  the  high  duties  laij 
upon  tobacco,  in  proportion  to  the  quantity  of  that  commodity  which 
thev  confume....The  colonies  therefore,  in  proportion  to  their  con> 
fumption  of  Britijh  Manufaaures,  pay  alfo  the  high  duties  of  cuftoms 
and  excife,  with  which  the  manufaflurcrs  are  d.arjed  in  theconfe- 
quential  price  fet  upon  their  confumptions....In  their  palTage  m<ire- 
over.  fomthe  £n>//»  manufaaurcrs  to  the  ^mmfflfl  importers,  the 
'  cora- 

*  See  the  appendix. 


as 

wl 
in 
bl 
hi 
m 
it 

c- 

u 

b 

J. 


inlufcitartts  of  the  C»- 
Britairtf  and  that  the 
'  pittance  hardly  carn- 
e  in  the  price  of  hi» 
imenfe  fums  are  raifed 

e  mifled,  credulity  de- 
lon  gains  the  credit  of 
ny  for  juftice,  and  the 
by  adulation,  and  »f- 
:  virtues. 

le  BritsJB  nation  from 
i  even  tht  mojl  ignorant 
famous  milrepierenta- 
ce  to  his  eafe  and  le- 
E  paid  there,  aud  thence 
:  firjt  upon  the  produce 

planter  pays  a  taX  upon 
in  Great  Britain,  more 

for  it,  befides  the  ex- 
jes,  and  double  freight, 
xported,  by  which  the 

fubjefls,  are  fupported 
'  any  farmtr  of  Great- 
ertv  ;  and  moreover  the 

cxpenfire  internal  ge- 
). 

tobacco,  fall  ultimately 
:  confequential  price  fct 
:(labli(hed  that  all  taxes 
rs  of  it,  and  the  confe- 
I  equally  applied, 
r  pay  the  high  duties  laid 
)f  that  commodity  which 
proportion  to  their  con- 
B  high  duties  of  cuftoms 
re  disri^ed  in  the  confe- 
..In  theK  paffage  m»re- 
Amirican  importers,  the 
cora- 


[      27      J 

*«mnioditles  EO  thro'  a  great  many  hands,  by  which  their  cofts  arc 
!^!^ced'^he  favors,  the  carriers.'the  {hop- keepers,  the  merchant  , 
the  brokers  the  porters,  the  watermen,  the  mar.ners,  and  others, 
L^ave  he  r  c  peafve  profits,  frc.-r.  which  they  derive  then  luDnftance 
and  the  fippori  of  their  families,  and  ar«  enabled  to  pay  the  high  duues 
ofcullomsandexc.fe.  in  the  price  of  their  *  confumpt.ons 

The  policy  of  the  late  regulations  of  the  colonies   '»/''.  t.»^« ''""f 
.haraaer  S  their  juftice  and  lenity.     The  produce  of  thc.r  land. 
Seearnnr-f  their  Luftry.  and  .he  gain,  of  'heir  commence  center 
Z  Great  Britain,  fupport  the  artcifiers,  themanufaaor.es,  and   navi- 
wttn  of fhe  Lt^^on,  and  with  them  the  Britijh  land  holders  too. 
^  Grea    La,n  had   ALL  before,  and  tbcr.f..e  can  ^ave  no  mo  . 
from  the  colonics;  but   the  mir.ifter,  in   the  purfu.t  of  a  "  well  d.- 
Ir-^rtcdVconfittent.  wife  and  falutary   pUn  of  colon.zauc.wnd  go- 
«  ^e.nment.  a  plan  founded  upon  the  prmc.p  es  of  P;;l';iy:  ;^";7^^« 
«'  and  finances,"  chures  to  dcmol.fl.  at  one  bU-w,  all  their  privileges 
a.they  h  V    undedtood  them,  that  he  may  raiCc  in  ^,«.n..    a  p.rt  of 

blemnes  already  enjoyed,  and  promoting   the  P".^'"^  ^•-"'"^;  .^"^"u. 
happ  n  to   diihef.  the  trade,  reduce  the  nav.gat.on,  '"JP-/^"^^  ^^'^ 

American  will  have  very  little  reafon  to  exclaim 

O  '  me  infeKcentt  qui  nunc  dmum   intellect 

Ut  ilia  rnihi  profuerint  qua  defpexe^am, 

Et  ilhy  qua  laudaram,  quantum  lu£fus  habutrmt  ! 

0  '  unhappy  /,  who  now  at  length  am  fenfthle 

How  the  tbingi  I  had  defpifed  were  of  advantage  to  me, 

m71ow  mufhLmnitiey  cufed^ich  I  had  Jo  much  approved! 

The  right  of  exemption  from  all  t^xts  mthout  their  confent,xh<t 
--lonit.  claim  as  Britijh  fubjefts.  They  derive  this  "ght  from  the 
!Jmmen  uT  which  their  chiuers  have  declared  and  conhrmed,  and 
they  c^Jcitvc'that  when  ftripf^d  .f  this  right,  whcth.r  by  prcio^a. 

•  See  tbc  Appendix. 


1 


[    a8    ] 

five  or  by  anjr  other  power,  they  are  at  the  fame   time  deprived  of 
every  privilege  diftingui(hing  free- men  from  Haves. 

On  the  other  hand,  they  acknowledge  thcmfelves  to  be  fubordinate 
to  the  mother  country,  and  that  the  authority  vcficd  in  the  fupreme 
council  of  the  nation,  may  bejuftly  excrcired  to  fupport  and  preferve 
thai  fuburdination. 

Great  and  juft  encomiums  have  been  beflow'd  upon  the  conftitution 
of  England,  and  their  reprefentative  is  defervedly  the  favourite  of  the 
inhabitants  in  Britain.  But  it  is  not  becaufc  the  fupreme  council  i» 
called  parliament,  thit  they  boaft  of  their  ronHituti»n  of  government  j 
for  there  is  no  particular  magical  influence  from  the  combination  of  the 
letters  which  form  the  word  ;  it  is  becaufe  they  have  a  (hare  in  that 
council,  that  they  appoint  the  memberi  who  conltitute  one  branch 
of  it,  whoft  duty  and  intereft  it  is  to  confult  their  benefit, 
and  to  aflert  their  rights,  and  who  are  vefted  with  an  autho- 
rity, to  prevent  any  meafures  taking  efFedt  dangerous  to  their  liberties, 
or  injurious  to  their  properties. 

But  the  inhabitants  in  the  colonies  have  no  fliare  in  this  great  coun- 
cil. None  of  the  members  of  it  are,  or  can  be  of  their  appointment^ 
or  in  any  refpedt  dependant  upon  them.  There  is  no  immediate  con- 
nedion,  on  the  contrary,  there  may  be  an  oppofition  of  interelt;  how 
puerile  then  is  the  declamation,  '*  what  will  become  of  the  colonies 
«'  birthright,  and  the  glorious  fecurities  which  their  forefathers  haird- 
*•  ed  down  to  them,  if  the  authority  of  the  Britijh  parliament  to  im- 
*'  ps/e  taxes  upon  them  fhould  be  given  up  ?  To  deny  the  authority  of 
•'  the  Britijh  legiflature,.  is  to  fur  render  all  claim  to  a  fhare  in  it« 
•'  councils,  and  if  this  were  the  tenor  of  their  charters,  a  grant  more 
*'  infidious  or  replete  with  mifchief,  could  not  be  imagined,  a  forfei- 
••  ture  of  their  rights  would  be  couched  under  the  appearance  of  pri- 
*'  vilege,  tff." 

We  claim  an  exensption  from  all  farliamentqry  impofitions,  that 
we  may  enjoy  thofe  fecurities  of  o  ^r  rights  and  properties,  which  we 
are  entitled  to  by  the  conftitution.  For  thofe  fecurities  are  derived  to 
the  fubjed  from  the  principle  that  he  is  not  be  taxed  without  his  own 
confent^  and  an  inhabitant  in  America  can  give  his  confent  in  no  other 
manner  than  in  affcmbly.  It  is  in  the  councils  that  exitt  there,  and 
there  on/j,  that  he  hath  a  (hare,  and  whilft  he  enjoys  it,  his  right! 
and  privileges  are  as  well  fecured  as  any  eledor's  in  England,  who 
hath  a  (hare  in  the  national  councils  there  j  for  the  words  parliament 
and  affemblj  arc  in  this  refped,  only  didlrcnt  teimi  to  expref*  the  fame 
thing.  t 

.But 


«* 


elfi 

wil 

km 

the 

(he 

the 

wi( 

utr 

#h 

ter 

ms 

to 

kn 

th( 

coi 

fid 


ic  time  deprived  of 

^e»  to  be  fubordinate 
:(led  in  the  fuprcme 
fupport  and  preferve 

jpon  the  conftitution 
the  favourite  of  the 
e  fupreme  council  i« 
iti»n  of  government } 
c  combination  of  the 
y  have  a  (hare  in  that 
onttituie  one  branch 
infult  their  benefit, 
ed  vvith  an  autho- 
rous  to  their  liberties, 

re  in  this  great  coun- 
of  their  appointment, 
is  no  immediate  con- 
ition  of  interelt ;  how 
come  of  the  coloniei 
heir  forefathers  hatrd- 
itijh  parliament  to  im- 
>  deny  the  authority  of 
im  to  a  (hare  in  it< 
rharters,  a  grant  more 
be  irnagined,  a  forfei- 
he  appearance  of  prt- 

iqry  impoiitions,  that 

properties,  which  we 

:curities  are  derived  to 

faxed  without  his  own 

is  confent  in  no  other 

that  cxitt  there,  and 

enjoys    it,  his  rightf 

or'i  in  Englandy  who 

the  words  parliament 

mi  to  exprefs  the  fame 

/  But 


(« 


<( 


[      29      ] 

But  it  is  argued,  that  "  if  the  commen  law  of  Engknd,  is  to  be 
biought,  a»  jurtifying  a  claim  of  exemption  in  any  lubjcd  oi^Greea 
Britain  from  a  parliamentary  tax,  it  will  plead  againft  a  tax  impo- 
fed  by  a  provincial  afiembly  ;  for  as  all  the  colony  aflemblies  de- 
rive their  authority  from  the  meer  grant  of  the  crown  only,  it 
might  be  urged  that  any  tax  impofed  by  them,  is  impofed  by  au- 
thority of  the  prero«;ative  of  the  crown,  and  not  by  full  confent  of 
parliament.  That  if  this  right  in  the  crown,  is  acknowledged  to 
«•  exempt  the  fubjedt  from  the  jurifdi£lion  of  parliament  in  the  cafe  of 
*«  taxation,  its  powrer  to  difpenfe  with  adls  of  parliament,  or  to  de- 
«*  prive  the  fame  fubjcft  of  the  benefit  of  the  common  law,  cani't  be 
««  denied." 

One  would  be  inclined  to  fofpcft  that  it  is  fuppofed,  fomething 
elfe  than  rcafon,  may  on  this  occafion  conduce  to  perfuafion. 

The  Englifl)  (ubjeds,  who  left  their  native  country  to  fettle  in  the 
wildernefs  of  America,  had  the  privileges  of  other  Englijhmen.  They 
knew  their  value,  and  were  deftrous  of  having  them  perpetuated  to 
their  pofterity.  They  were  aware  that,  as  their  cenfent  whilft  they 
(hould  rcfide  in  America^  could  neither  be  aflccd  nor  regularly  given  in 
the  natioial  legiflature,  and  that  if  they  were  to  be  bpund  by  law* 
without  rettriftion,  afFeftinj  the  property  they  fliould  earn  by  the 
utmoft  hazard  and  fatigue,  they  would  lofe  every  other  privilege 
"#hich  they  had  enjoyed  in  their  eative  country,  and  become  meef 
tenants  at  will,  dependant  upon  the  moderation  of  their  lords  and 
mafters,  without  any  other  fccurity....ihat  as  their  fettlement  was 
to  be  made  under  the  proteflion  of  the  Englijh  government,  they 
knew,  that  in  confcqucncc  of  their  relation  to  the  mother- country, 
they  and  their  poftenty  would  be  fubordinate  to  the  fupreme  national 
council,  and  expelled  that  obedience  and  protedlion  would  be  con- 
fidered  as  reciprocal  duties. 

Confidering  themfelves,  and  being  conGdered  in  this  light,  they  en- 
tered into  a  cofflpail  with  the  crown,  the  bafis  of  which  was,  that 
their  privileges  as  EngVi'ttx  fubje£fs,jheuld  be  effeiluallyfecured  to  themfelves^ 
ai\dtranfmittedto  their  pojleriiy.  Ai  for  this  purpofe,  precife. declara- 
tions and  provillons  formed  upon  the  principles,  and  according  to  the 
fpiril  of  xhc  Englijh  conflitution  were  necefl'ary;  CHARTERS  were 
accordingly  framed  and  conferred  by  the  crown,  and  accepted  by  the 
fettlers,  by  which  all  the  doubts  and  inconveniencies  which  might 
have  arifen  froin  the  application  of  general  principles  to  a  new  fubje£l, 
were  prevented. 

"I 


# 


[     30    3 

i*^'  \.    .  ..  .\,*  inhabitints  of  the  colonics  claim 

an  exemption  from  uli  taxe.  "o'  '^P°';°    ^     ^ich  tVicir  confent  i«  not, 

infer  from  their  ^^Jff '^ J^/S^j/:  .t^'^^^  --"  ''  ''^f't 
nor  can  be  given,  that  '*^7//'/  ^f  X  BriU/-*;'^^ '"  America  of 
^ith  ails  ofparhammt,  and  '''^.f'^'J^I,^^^^^  I  (hould  b«  at 

tiubemjit,  of  th,  common  lau,,  '\t^oT{oZngc»n  argument,  wer« 
a  lof.  to  account  for  the  '^^'^'^/^ZxTA  the  cnemie,  of  th. 

-•^^it^Uaed  that  ^  't^tir:.:;^  t^  - '-^^ 

as  i.ttle  a,  to  the  ^hjnjcs  ^J  tb.  colon^^^^^  ^^^.^  ^  ^^^ 

From  what  fource  do  the  peers  otc^i  ^^      ^^^^  ^^ 

•the  (hare  they  have  m  the  Bnt,p  ^fJ^^"r'  ^^^^,,,  ^f  parliament 
England  that  d.r.vc  ;*';'.;  PJJ'^.f/.^.Vgie!  tL  the  crown  may.  by 
from  royal  charters  >  ^'»  *'''''"  ^^J  J,  i,i,^;«,  becauf.  the  peer. 
prerogative,  tax  the  inhabitant  f  ^^''f  .^'"l.'\^^  exa.cifc  »  legif- 
If  E\l.nd.  and  fome  ^^P^^^^^^/  ,f  ^harte^  ?  it  muft  be  admitted 
lativc  authority  under  royal  patents  ana  «""«  ^     .      t,ofe„  by 

hat  all  the  members  of  ^^e  houe  of  common*  are  rce^y^^  ^^  ^^X 
the  people,  and  ar.  "o^  afterward  ^j^J^f*  J^^,  /f  ,,,  j^^.r  houfe. 
croin  or  the  m  n.ftry  :  And  arc  "o^  «he  "Km  .^  ^^^    ^^  .^^ 

of  affembly  as  freely  chofcn  alfo  by  »h«=  J'OP^J^^^^^,  j  if  the  tr«th 
pendent,  as  the  meinbers  °f  Jf^/""';  that  tht  c.lonm  an  too  it. 
^ere  confcffed.  t^e  objea,en  would  no^^^^^  ^^^^  ^j^  ^^^^,^ 

^«i/»/  «/f«  .'-&*  frwfl,  or  that  ihcir  c.aim  oi  cxcb  p  ^^^ 


\Me  right!  of  the 
alonies  claim  aright 
rt/.--They  claim  it 
lijh,  and  now  Brilijh 
wiih  the  crown  wai 

the  veil  of  antiquity. 
It  men  ;  but,  of  the 
ocal  as  o»  any  «^^*' 

of  the  colonics  claim 
own  confcnt,  and  to 
I  their  confent  it  not, 
in  tht  crown  to  dijpmfo 
fubjiHt  in  America  of 
d,  that  1  ftould  be  at 
yt  an  argument,  were 
by  the  enemies  of  the 
a  in  the  minds  of  their 
I  prejudiced  men  V9 

Ireadybeenfufficiently 
te  man  can  perceive 
t  It  is  grounded  upon  a 
aminer  to  cftabiifti  it, 
tants  in  Grtat  Britain^ 

srive  their  dignity,  anA 
ire  there  no  places  in 
nembefs  of  parliament 
lat  the  crown  may,  by 
fli«,  bccaufe  the  peers 
^eeple,  exercife  a  legif- 
rs  ?  it  muft  be  admitted 
js  are  freely  chofen  by 
o  any  influence  of  the 
aers  of  the  lower  houfet 
, ;  and,  in  fad,  as  inde- 
commons  ?  if  the  tr"jh 
hat  the  colonitt  art  too  it' 
xcmption  from  all  taxes, 
rvot 


[    3'     ] 

not  impofcd  by  their  own  confent,  it  ftundid  upon  a  principlt  hading  to 
Jlavtry.  At  one  time,  the  North- Amtricam  are  called  rtpubhcam  ;  at 
wnother,  tht  a£irton  of  dt/potijm.  What  a  ftrange  animal  muft  a 
tJorth-Amtricun  appear  to  be  ffom  thefe  reprefentations  to  the  genera- 
lity of  knglijb  readers,  who  have  never  had  an  opportunity  to  admire, 
that  he  may  be  neither  black,  nor  tawny,  may  fpeak  the  Enilijh  lan- 
guai^e,  and,  in  other  refpedks,  feem,  for  all  the  world,  like  one  bf 

them!  ,    ,    •  l     ,. 

"  The  common- law,  the  great  charter,  the  bill  of  rights,  arc  f* 
far  »rom  "  declaring,  wiih  one  voice,  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  co- 
•'  lonies  (hall  be  t-xed  by  no  other  authority  than  iliat  of  the  Britip 
*'  parliaminty'  that  they  prove  the  contrary  ;  for  the  principle  of  the 
common  law  is  that  no  part  of  tbtir  property  Jhall  bt  dravin  from  Bri- 
tifh  fubjiStSy  without  thtir  conftnt,  given  by  tboj't  whom  they  depute  to  rt- 
prelint  thtm  i  and  this  piinciple  is  enforced  by  the  declaration  of  the 
GRfcAT  CHARTER,  and  the  bill  of  rights,  neither  the  one  nor  the 
other,  introducing  any  (WW  privilege.  In  Great- Britainy  the  confent 
of  the  people  is  given  by  the  houfe  of  commons ;  and,  as  money  had 
been  levied  there  f«r  the  ufe  of  th«  crown  by  pretence  of  prtrogative, 
without  their  eon/tnt,  it  was  properly  declared  at  the  revolutic)n,  in  fup- 
port  of  ihe  conititution,  and  in  vindication  of  the  people's  rights^tbat 
the  levying  of  muney,  by  pretence  of  prerogative,  without  grant  of  par- 
liament, I.  e.  without  their  confent  who  aie  to  pay  it,  is  illegal,  whicll 
declaration  was  moft  fuitable  to  the  occafion,  andeffctaually  eftablifhcs 
the  very  principle  contended  for  by  the  colonies. 

The  word  parliament^  having  been  made  ufe  of,  the  letter  of  the 
declaration  is' adhered  to,  and  the  confequence  drawn,  that  no  Briti/l^ 
fubjeft  can  be  legally  taxed,  but  by  the  authority  of  thcBritiJhparlia- 
menty  againft  the  fpirit  and  principle  of  the  declaration,  which  was 
aioied  only  to  check  and  reftrain  the  prerogative^  and  to  cftablilh  the 
neceffity  of  obtaisiag  the  tonfent  of  thofe  on  whom  taxes  were  to  be 
levied.  Is  not  this  a  new  kind  of  logic,  to  infer  from  declarations  and 
claims,  founded  upon  the  neceflary  »nd  effcntial  principle  of  a  free 
government,  that  the  people  ought  not  to  be  taxed  without  their  con- 
tent, that  therefore  the  colonies  ought  to  be  taxed  by  an  authority,  in 
which  their  confent  is  not,  nor  can  be  concerned  ;  or,  in  other  words, 
to  draw  an  inference  from  a  declaration  or  claim  of  privilege,  fubvcr- 
five  of  the  very  principle  upon  which  the  privilege  is  founded  ?  How 
aukwardly  are  the  principles  of  the  revolution  applied  by  fome  men  ? 
What  aftonifhment  would  the  promoters  of  that  glorious  meafure, 
thofe  patroBi  and  friends  of  liberty,  did  they  now  tread  the  ftage  of 

this 


I 


i:( 


(( 


-^1« 


[  32  ] 

priv.Uget  of  »he  ^"rJ*"^^^^^  by  which   hcrnfelves  were  animM 

r'TVnV/fur  an  thdrV  nf  "haxa^ds  to  eft.bl.fh  the  generous  fen- 
ted.  and  •"«^  »';J"XJ"1  f.  ^^q  f,H  and  enjoy  the  blcif.ngi  of  thr.r 
rrfuf  ir:j«:'rul3^r^^  to  r.if/a  thought  beyond  the 

,,^;;l«....u6htLbe. 

the  r^me  rule  before,  ^'''^^V  ,V  Tthe  conTm^^^^^^  oi  Grtat  ^ritv*. 
prefentative.  of  the  cojon.e.,  as  of  ;j/=«";™°T  be  proved  frpm 
lut  with  »J«  he  p  of  the  exarnm    J  10^^^^^^^^^^^  ^^^. 

the  UUiT  of  the  bll  fr'gh.s,  J"  '^j;^*^^  ff,/ i^  ,he  bill  of  rights. 
liament  ought  to  be  free  j /»;  '^e  ''"^  j  exp  parliamenT,  a, 

i,  „  mtch  ^"•^^''Volv  if  To  /*/  B^tim  parliamlr,t,  and  if  the 
the  authority  to  grant  mone^  .«  to  '*^  ^^    '    f        .    ^^   jj^.,  j^  jj. 

'"'"''rhro;t:r" V"  Lrl  r    th7fo»mon  law,  the  ereat  char- 

::;:e3^^;hrBS^^^^ 

r.aer  of  .igil.nce,  .nJ  J"'™''  ''' '^  '^g    „.Ur  fcttlement  to 

.„d  wthority  of '!«  Br«.j»  '^''f "'"' iX„c  '  ha. c  impofcd  >n  inttr- 
Bever  before  the  Urt>i"A««.   " 'i'%.r.;/;  ././«/««.,  and  tbal. 

t«en  when  aS.  of  alfcmbly  P'"'°/"S"",'',|,,„    „,„  Ihould  be  fo  fat 
by  ro,al  requifmoi»  ha.e  been  la,d  W°;' '''.^^'J'Ji^  ,,,.  „*„,;,, 

2rhfi:^:S.'';S«-eZ-andtr„"U  .oJt.a.ion  f-petta* 

many  inftances  of  the  P^^J'*'"^ J*  fXEfinc  »«/^r«2/.«^  upon 
thoriV  over,  the  colomcs  -^/^"jj'y  ^^^^^^f^Vr  import,  a«  in- 
the.r  pr«pertve..-that  the  duties  upop  a  y  J^^,dity  i.  as  much.;in 
tcrnaliax€S"-tnat  an  impoK  on  »  iv»i*6  internal 


tWC( 

■a* 

dtici 

latit 

1 

pro\ 

pari 
1 
mer 
well 
pen( 
tiuU 


ttlHj 

tike  ( 

to  bi 

rani 

Won 
«i 

<i 

«< 


til 

0 
It 

ci 

i 

to 


1 


meant  to  afTert  the 
wer,  fhould  be  relied 
:mfelves  were  anima  I 
lifh  the  gcnorous  fen- 

the  blcifingi  of  the i  r 
a  thought  beyond  the 

the  eleflionj  of  mtm- 
nnion  law   laid  down 
the  ele<S\ion  of  the  re- 
lons   of  Grtal  Brt7<t»«. 
light   be  proved  frpm 
inly  of  mimbirs  ef  par- 
Fed  in  the  bill  of  rights, 
en  of    parliament,  a» 
parliamtnl,  and  if  the 
there  is  the  I'ke  impli- 
,n  law,  the  great  char- 
examiner  aUerU,  with 
t  coloniei  ought  to  be 
onGftcnt  with  that  cha- 
:r,  commonly  afcribed 
:  regular  fettlcment  to 
es  ftiould  not  only  have 
;hout  one  refolve,  of  «- 
:h  upon  the  jurifdi£tlon 
kt  the  parliament  fhoyld 
,  have  impofed  an  inter- 
ft  tf  revtnuty  and  tb^t, 
ceof  miniftcrial  iftfow;ed 
n,  they  Ihould  be  fo  far 
recogniic  the  authority 
;  foundation  fupcrftrudt 

«m/>-fl<??i9thcf^rftftatuta 
^\omti  for  the  fingh  pur- 
corttend,  that  there  ^rc 
a  f^preme  le^lflativc  vi- 
,fipg  i«/tfrnfl/  taxti  upon 
tports  or  imports  are  in- 
jmmodity  ii  as  much-  ^n 
internal 


(    33     ] 

bietrnal  rax,  m  a  duty  upon  any  produ^ion  of  the  plantations, that 

no  diltindion  can  be  fupporied  between  one  kind  of  tax  and  another, 
«n  authority  to  impofe  the  one  extending;  to  the  other. 

If  thefe  thingi  are  really  as  reprefentcd  by  the  advocates  for  the 
Jhamp  adl,  why  did  •  the  (hamtlhr  *f  tht  txihtqutr  m»ke  it  a  qui  ftion 
for  the  confideration  of  (he  houfe  of  common«,  whether  the  pailia- 
■lent  could  impofb  an  inttmal  tax  in  the  colonies  or  not,  fur  ihc  JingU 
furtift  $f  rtwnui  f 

It  appears  to  me,  that  there  is  a  clear  and  necefTary  dif^inflii  n  be- 
tween an  ail  inripoflng  a  tax  for  tht  Jirtj^lt  purpoft  of  rtvenut,  and  thofe 
aits  which  have  been  made  for  the  regulation  of  trade,  and  have  pro- 
duced fome  revenue  in  canjtqutnc*  of  thtir  tfftii  and  operatiun  as  rtgu- 
JatitHs  ef  trade. 

The  colonies  claim  the  privilcpes  of  Britilh  fubjeflj it  has  beert 

proved  to  be  inconfi^ent  with  thofe  privileges,  to  fax  them  without 
tinir  own  cenfent^  and  it  hath  been  demonftratcd  that  a  tax  impufed  by 
parliament,  is  a  tax  without  their  conjent. 

The  (ubordination  of  the  colonies,  and  the  authority  of  the  parlia- 
ment to  preferve  it,  have  been  fully  acknowledged.  Not  only  the 
welfare,  but  perhaps  the  exigence  of  the  moiner  country,  as  mi  intle- 
pendent  kingdom,  may  depend  upon  her  trade  and  navigation,  ani^ 
theie  fo  far  upon  her  intercourfe  with  the  colonies,  that,  if  this  fhoulif 

K  \xi 

*  I  hare  prtfuaed  to  mention  this  fiA  upon  the  authority  of  private  in- 
ttlHgence,  ai  well  as  oi  the  news  papers,  and  other  publicitipoi :  and  (h(t* 
the  chaocellor  of  the  fxchr<]uer  is  not  named,  yet  the  tt&  (eema  in  general 
to  b«  referred  to  in  the  poftlcript  to  the  excellent  litter  cnuer»ing  libeli,  w«r-, 
r*»t$,  feiKurt  ef  f*feri,  ernd fecurilf  eftbefeate,  f^c.  in  the  /ollowirg; 
Word*  :  "  0(herwif<  (i.  e.  if  it  w«r«  not  tight  for  the  parKsmt  t  to  refolvo 
"  geiifnri  warrants  to  be  illegal)  let  m*  t,tt  how  that  mttxtm^t,'  rcfolatioa 
"  tpiwhiag  an  Eiig/iJ>>  parliament's  right  of  taxing  the  colonies  coald  be  juf- 
"  tified  }  it  was  an  independent  fubftanlivt  rcfolution,  followed  by  nothing, 
"  (i.  t.  that  fleffion)  and  y«t  «*ai  a  rffalniion  not  oalf  of  extreme  magni' 
"  tude,  but  of  the  moN  general  and  highfl  tegml  nalare,  involving  in  it  a  d«- 
"  cifioa  of  tit  frji  Amel  mtfi  fundmmental  printiptii  tj  libertj,  frtptrtjf,  anil 
"  gtvtrnmtnt,  et»J  nutil  mtertJkf  alfo,  as  to  tile  teinporary  policy  of  it,  the 
"  maft  firuae  of  all  coaflderstlop.  This  w|s  r«folved  t«o,  if  I  am  irfcrmcti 
"  right,  at  the  clofa  of  the  night,  and  the  riflng  of  the  houfe  ;  fo  that  cverjr 
body  maft  have  taken  it  as  a  dmr  thing,  that  thty  codd  at  any  time  coai« 
CO  a  refo'iicion  upon  any  general  |point  of  law,  whenever  thry  ihould  Cce  it 
exfeditat  lo  to  do,  ^d  vtrbum  /^fitmti  jat  tft ;  ixt  «  nutrd  it  emtmgi  ft  the 

"  "wiA". 


I     34    ] 

he  Mtlcw^cd,  there  would  foon  be  an  end  to  that  commerce,  whence 
hcr^rcat  ft  wealth  U  derived,  «nd  upon  which  her  marmmc  power  .» 
pnc  pa  ly  founded.     Frcu  thefe  conWeration..  the  nght  of  .the  fin- 
S;  S«Lt  to  regulate  the  trade  of  the  coCn.es.  '"/X  I'^jf  J.^^/ 
Juccd     a  denial  of  it  would  contradia  the  adm.ffion  of  the  fubord, na- 
tion   and  o    the  authority  to  preferve  it,  rcfulting  from  the  nature  of 
Stto  between  the   mother  country  and  her  colon.es.     It  ..  . 
common    and  frequently  the  moft  proper  method  to  regulate  trade  by 
r  eT  on  impor     and  exports.     The  authority  of  the  mother  country 
Jo   e^ulateTe  trade  of  the  colonies,  being  unqueft^nable,  whatre- 
to  regulate  tne  "-  c  fubmitted  to  the  d«- 

beTroduced  by  fuclwegulations ;  thefe  are  not  therefore  unw.rrant- 
"^Ari^rht  to  impofe  an  internal   tax  on  the  colonies    without  their 

?L,.""".r.^  <»%'-">'  "<  "8l>t .»  b.  doub.fal,  f  which  I  uk. 
lion  lo  '''^'="      '  eafv  to  ouefs  that  the  determination  will  be  on 

rhe'Vdc'7p:i«;  .nf  t"at^:Se  inferior  will  be  c«nftrained  to  fub, 

""  The  writer  on  the  regulations  lately  made  with  refpeft  to  the  colo- 
nieT  who  i  fa.d  l  havl  been  «;.//  infor.eJ,  aflerr.  a  faft.  which  m- 
dfputably  proves,  that  the  impofu ions  noentioned,  were  '"6:  "g"'^; 
tlons  of  trade  andean,  with  no  kind  of  propriety,  be  conhdc.ed  m 
anv  other"' ht  The  ad  he  .ffcrt*,  is,  that  -  the  whole  rem.ttancc 
f.'fronal^he  taxes  in  the  colonies,  at  an  average  of  thirty  year, 
«  has  not  amounted  to  1900/.  a  year,  and  in  that  fum,  7  orjoo  /. 
«  p'raLru  only,  have  been  remitted  from  N,rih.Amn,ca  ,  and^that 

»  In  ihe  ffien  of  oar  great  deliverer,  wkcn  the  Enf^Uh  and  the  Duicb  wtre 
.t  J^VXTance,  the5  joined  in  pre.ennng  th.  northern  P--  »2™  "- 
«t  war  wun  i  .  Gro.^irg  havi.g  formed  •  d«fign.    to 

''''"^  Lriihtof  thei^orihernpo^^  „««  irad,  a.d  n.viga..or.,  ccm- 

^'°  .^!d  h^  Dlanto  r„Jdef.yedthecpinicn  of  baron  P«/.»-/.r/upon  it. 
"roJf  fvcd  iut  a  t'he  queft>on  had  «ut  b«n  fcttUd  upon  cicar.nd  uad- 
*•- W-trfncVoV  and  the?c  w..  .  mixture  vf  f.tt  and  right,  the  eonfeder.tcs 
*  K?  d  rth.ttLy  have  a  right  to  diftr.ft  the  enemy,  and  a.  the  mean. 
To'St  in  "hat'  Jr  :£  Jo\eftrai.'tho  traie  of  th.  northern  power,,  an  ar.a- 
£^m"nt  tha  vii;!.  fup^ri^f  for«  would  bs  conclufivc. 


««  th 
«•  an 
It 

raife 
expei 
fo  a  ' 
impo 
the  e 
toe> 
incui 
T 
obfei 
impc 
ftanc 


««  /, 


I 


;  commerce,  whence 
er  maritime  power  in 
the  right  of  the  Bri- 
:s,  may  be  juftly  de- 
ion  of  the  fubotdina- 
g  from  the  nature  of 
ler  colonies.  It  is  « 
d  to  regulate  trade  by 
if  the  mother  country 
[ucftionable,  what  re- 
e  fubmitted  to  the  d«- 
dfr.tal  revinutt  fhould 
therefore  unwarrant- 

olonies,  without  their 
;d,  a  rij^ht  te  regulate 
The  impofition  of  a 
jlation.  If  the  claim* 
fecm  on  fuch  an  occa- 
oubtful,  Cwhich  1  take 
termination  will  be  on 
1  be  cenftraincd  to  fub- 

vith  refpc(ft  to  the  colo- 
flerci  a  fail,  which  in- 
ined,  were  tnly  rcgula- 
pricty,  be  conlidcred  in 
"  the  whole  remittance 
vcrage  of  thirty  years, 
\  that  fum,  7  or  8oo  /. 
^arth-Jmtrka  }  and  that 
"  the 


Enihfl}  and  t>ie  Dutch  wtro 
northern  powen  Jrom  c«f- 
haviag  formed  a  defign,  to 
rad«  »d  navigation,  com- 
f  baron  Puffendor/ upon  it, 
ettltd  upon  clear  and  undc- 
and  right,  the  confederate » 
ic  enemy,  and  ai  the  mean* 
'■  northern  power!,  an  argu- 
I'/e. 


[     35     ] 

««  the   cftablifhmenr  of  officers,  neccflary  to  col!e£l  that  revenue, 
«•  amounts  to  7600  I.  per  nnnum. 

It  would  be  ridiculous  indeed  to  fuppofe,  that  the  parliament  would 
raife  a  revenue  bv  taxes  in  the  colonies  to  defray  part  of  the  national 
expence,  the  co!le6lioa  of  which  taxes  would  incrcafc  th't  cxpencc 
10  a  fum  more  than  three  times  the  amount  of  the  revenue  ;  but,  the 
impofitions  beini^tonfidered  in  their  true  light,  as  regulations  of  trade, 
the  expence  arifing  from  an  eftablifliment  nccefTary  to  carry  them  in- 
to execution,  is  fo  far  from  being  ridiculous,  that  it  maybe  wifely 
incurred. 

The  author  of  the  claim  of  the  colonies,  iSc.  gives  (as  hath  been 
obferved)  the  epithets  of  unjujl  aftid  partial  to  a  tax  which  (hould  be 
impofed  upon  the  non-elettors,  only  in  Britain,  and  in  that  very  in^ 
fiance,  prows,  that  a  tax  upon  the  non-eleftors  in  the  colonies,  is 
more  unjuft  and  partial,  and  yet  undertakes  to  defend  the  juftice  of 
it  ;  and  the  writer  on  the  reguia  is  of  the  colonies  declares,  that  it 
is  in  vain  to  call  the  a£ts  he  has  cited  as  precedents,  by  the  name  of 
mere  regulations,  notwithftanding  h?  hath  irrefragably  proved,  that 
they  arc  ridiculous,  if  confidcred  in  any  other  light.  See  the  regula- 
tion ff  the  colonies,  &c.  f  page  105— 57,  and  the  claim  c/thectlonicsy  &c. 
page  28,  29,  30.) 

Though  1  conceive  that  the  diftinftion  which  hath  bccn  fuggefledj 
is  fufficiently  evident,  and  that  the  argumeni.  from  precedents  hath 
keen  refuted,  yet,  as  there  have  been  two  or  three  inftances  particu- 
larly enforced  and  relied  upon,  I  mult  beg  the  reader's  patience  whiKl  I 
examine  them  feparately,  without  undertaking  the  ta(k  to  remove  «very 
incoagruity  to  be  foui»d  in  the  wrrtings  of  the  enemies  of  Amertca 
on  this  occafiop  ;  for  it  would  require  an  Hercules  to  cleanfe  the  ftable. 

The  5th  Geo.  II,  it  is  alledged,  "  abrogates  fo  much  of  the  common 
««  law  as  relates  to  defcents  nf freeholds  in  America,  takes  from  the  Jon  tkf 
«'  right  of  inheritance  in  the  lands  the  crown  had  granted  to  the  father^ 
♦'  and  his  heirs  in  abfohitc  fee,  makes  them  affets,  and  applies  them  to 
"  the  payment  of  tft^ts  and  accounts  contraiied  by  the  father  without 
"  the pariieipation  tftkefon  ;  it  feis  afiit  ihc  fori  of  evidence  required 

t  A  |rave  aafwer  to  a  little  pirt  pamphlet,  called  the  tljeBiotii  to  the 
taxation,  (jfc.  wouid  be  too  ludicroui.  Whea  the  author  «t  it  tiflk*  of  ordeia 
to  b«  observed  under  pain*  and  p«naltj«i,  he  cfei  ih«  awful  ftyle  of  a  L-— 4 
of  T— —  but  it  w»»  too  conftrained  for  him  to  fupport,  and  he  therefore  very 
aaiuraliy  relapfed  intotbe  charafler  of  a  jack-j»uddii>g.  He  had  very  littie 
reafcn  to  ipprehfnd  thai  Lock,  SiJney,  or  Sf.Vfw,  wouJa  be  called  »pon  to  puU 
•ff  Wi— cap. 


^ 


[    36    ] 

««  by  the  common  law,  and  $ftabl\/btd.hif  tvtry  emu  t/fit^'n '«  Ame* 
•«  rlca»  in  pfoof  of  a  debt,  land  enjoins  thf  admiffion  of  an  ex  part* 
•*  affidavit.  The  power  of  parliament  having  been  exercifed  to  lake 
*<■  away  ^be  loads  oftbeptepU  f«  AoKtic^,  the  mo(J /i^r**/ part  of  any 
•»  man's  property,  and  dijpeftng  ef  them  for  the  nfe  if  private  perfont  iit- 
«  A«rf/Y«»/ie/ Great- Britain,  who  can  quefllon,"  fays  the  examiner, 
•«  the  parliament's  right  to  talte  away  a  /mall  part  of  the  produtti 
*»  of  thofc  lands,  and  apply  it  to  the  puhiujtrvtce?'* 

It  is  very  obfervaWe,  that  in  applying  thii  ftatute,  a  languag*  »• 

ma(3e  ufe  of,  which  gives  the  idea  of  violence  \  and  it  muft  be  con- 

feflcd,  that  great  aggravation  of  features,  and  ftrong  colouring.  Wire 

lieccflary  to  make  it  in  any  degree  refemble  the  impofitioni  of  thp 

fiamp  ad.  .. 

It  would  bcufelefs,  as  w?!!  as  tedious,  to  pomt  out  eveiy  mi(re- 
prefcntation  in  this  application,  fince  that  will  be  rfcfluaHy  done,  by 
briefly  (hewing  the  effea  of  the  jthGeo.  II,  and  fMggeflmg  theocca^ 
fton  of  making  that  flatute.  .      n-       r       w- 

Laiids,  negroes,  I3c.  in  the  plantations,  are  made  allets  for  the 
fatisfaaion  of  all  debts  owing  to  his  majcfty,  or  any  of  hit  fuijeiltt  m 
like  manner  as  real  eftates  are,  b>  the  law  of  England  liable  to  the 
liVibfaaionofdebtsduebylpecialty. 

If  the  creditor  refides  in  Great- Brjtain,  the  affidavits  of  ha  wit- 
«effcs  taken  there,  ate  to  be  allowed  as  evidence,  and  to  have  the 
/amc  force  their  teOimony  would  have,  if  giv«n,  wv4  ««*,  m  open 

The  evidence  mentioned  in  theftaft^  prevailed  in  niioft^  if  not  all 
the  colonics,  before  the  ff^tute,  and  lands  were  alfo  liableto  the  latia* 
fa^ionof^Udebts  in  moft  inftancea,  by  the  method,  praaifedalfo  i» 
the  court  of  chancery  in  Enikmdy  of  marfljalling  affflts.  {«  »>Jtt6  <>» 
the  colonics,  without  this  circuity,  lands  were  immediately  liabte  to 
limple  contra^  debts. 

Independent  of  th?  ftatute,  when  the  credHor  obtains  a, judgment 
againft  his  debtor,  atl  hw  land^,  (iff.  over  which  he  has  a  Mptfitg 
^wet,  are  liable,  and,  fince  the  ftatute,  only  /wA  land?,  Wr.  are 
affcts,  as  t'he  debtor  had  a  power  to  difpofe  of.  It  appears  then,  that 
all  the  effeds  of  the  ftatute  on  this  head,  is  to  fubjeft  real  eftatps  to 
the  payme^  of  dfcbts  s/^^r  the  death  of  the  debtor,  (for  the  moft  part 
the  cafe  before  the  ftatute)  which  might  have  been  made  fubfcd  iefere 

bis  "dtath.  r  J  1  V 

In  many  of  the  colonics,  the  provincial  creditors  of  deceafed  debtors, 
wcre^cf<trr6d  to  the  Briiijb,  in  the  fame  degree,  by  a^sof  afTei^^ 


th 
G 

a 
tY 

CI 

ti 

di 


el 
e 
d 

V 

e 

c 

I 

F 
t 
I 

1 
« 


mi  tfj^in  in  Ame* 
miffion  of  an  «f  partt 
been  exercifed  to  lake 
■ioi\Jacred  part  of  any 
/ir  tffrivait  ptrjont  in^ 
:"  fays  the  examiner, 
part  of  the  product 

r/" 

ftatute,  a  language  it 
}  and  it  nvuft  l>e  con- 
ilrong  colouring,  Mrere 
he  impofitioni  of  thp 

joinf  out  evejry  nufire- 
be  tiffeflualiy  done,  by 
id  fviggeftii^  the  occa* 

e  npade  aflets  for  t)w 
or  my  ef  his  fuhjtifi,  in 
'  England  liable  to  the 

affidavits  of  hit  wit-^ 
ence,  and  to  have  the 
«n,  vit^  vtUt  in  open 

uled  in  tuo&i  if  not  aU 
alio  liable  to  the  iatis-' 
netbod.  pra£lifed  alfe  i« 
ling  alfeta.  Ih  fomb  of 
e  imraediatety  liabl6  to 

(tor  obtains  a  Judgment 
bich  he  ha»  a  diffie/fing 
[»ly  futb  landi^  iic.  are 
It  appears  then,  that 
:o  fubjed  real  eftates  to 
jtor,  (for  tKeinoft  part 
jcen  made  fubfcd  it/en 

tors  of  deceafed  debtors, 

■ee,  by  a^s  of  affembly 

which 


[  y?  1 

«)itah  ctr»«a  the  «ppwrawj«  of  pwtklity  j  tho*  in  ffeft,  the  t^R  of 
the  laws  of  EnilanJ  gave  rife  to  rfietti ;  for,  upon  bankruptatss  in 
Grtat  Britain^  the  fteps  required  by  the  ttatutes  to  entitle  creditors  to 
a  fatisfaftion,  effeftually  exdudt  colbny  creditois  in  molt  cafes,  and 
their  diftance,  when  their- debtws  die  in  Great- Britain,  where  colony 
creditors  have  not  ftanding  agents  as  the  merchants  have  i,n  the  planta- 
tions, and  there  happens  a  deficioncy  of  afeis,  fliuts  them  out  like- 
wife  frera  all  chance  of  fatisfailion  in  the  ufual  fcramble  among  cre- 
ditors for  the  debtor's  eftate  on  fueh-e*ents^ 

In  fome  of  the  colonies  they  changed,  by  ads  of  affembly,  certain 
fpeciesof  perfontl  property,  f.  g.  negroes,  into  the  nature  of  real 
eftMe»,  by  making  them  dfefcendiWfc  i  and.  by  this  alteration  of  tha 
common  law,  and  ctHifufion  of  the  former  diftinaion  of  property,  very 
conliderably  diminiihed  tbe'perfeind  fund  liable  to  «//  debts. 

A«  thefe  circumftaooes  were  rtprefented  and  believed  to  be  gttiX 
difcouragemeiite  to  iht  trade  of  the  mother  country,  after  rcrpeatedre- 
euifiiions  to  provide  a  remedy  ih  the  colonies,  ih  which  the  gnevanc* 
was  moft  fenfibly  felt,  had  been  difregarded,  the  ftatute  was  fiually 

This  was,  without  dbuht,  afubjeaupon  which  the  fopefintendence 
of  the  mother-country  might  be  juftly  exercififd  ;  it  being  relative  to 
her  trade  and  navigation-,  upon  which  her  wealth  and  her  power  de- 
pend, and  thepreferVBtionof^herfuperiority,  andtbe  fubordination  of 
the  colonies,  afe  fecuredj  and  therefore  is  eompreheftded  in  the  dil- 

tinition.  ,  . 

After  tiling,  and  applying  this  ftatute,  the  examtner  takes  oeeafion 
to  infult  a  ^ntleiwan-of  a  moft  amiable  and  refpcftable  charadter,  be- 
caufe  heprefamed  it  feems,  to  quefHon  the  univerfalhy  of  parliamen- 
tary iiewcf,  and  appears  to  be  fo  totally  occupied  in  the  bufinefs  of 
<teMmation,  as  not  to  b«e  aware  of  his  running  into  the  moft  egregious 
lnoMrii«iencie«.  If  the  examiner  is  a  lawyer,  he  has  betrayed  the 
moft  (hameful  ignorartee  ;  if  «n  agent,  the  mdft  infamous  unlaithtul- 
oefe.  H«i  the  JlMiricanChhfJ)tftktzSteA\n  Bttgiand^  as  too  many 
of  his  countrvmen  have  dene— had  hfe  paid  his  court  to  po>*er,  by 
mean  compilJaneesi  and  etideavoured  to  recotnttiertd  hlmfelf,  by  in- 
venting acoutoioM  agairtft  the  colonies,  by  reprefenting  the  ifthabi- 
tants  in  them,  m  a  refraftdry,  difltfyal,  and  TCbellibus  people,  and 
by  propbfing  fchen-res  for  their  depreffrtin— had  he  not  firmly  ma1n- 
tMiwdMs  cbtfaSkr  of 'honoar  'and  -pMbity,  w«  fliO«W  noflhave  ften 

this 


-^.trnt} 


[     33    ] 

thistmpetchmentof  his  underflandiag  j  bat  h«  left  th«  ta(k  of  profti* 
ttition  Co  the  man  of  fordid  views, 

IlU  fuperbos  adltus  rtgum^ 
Durajq;  ferts^  expert  fomni 
Co/at . 

Let  fmh  a  me,  without  taking  fliep^ 
Attend  the  frtuei  leveeif  and  haughty  gates 
Of  kings 

*•  Had  the  colonies,"  fays  the  examiner,  «'  agreed  to  the  impof  * 
**  tion  of  the  ftamp-duties,  a  precedent  would  have  been  cftabliflicd 
*<  for  their  being  confulted,  before  any  impofition  upon  them  by  par- 
**  liament  would  hereafter  take  place."  He  intimates  that  they  were 
^dvifed  by  fume  of  their  agents  to  take  thiscourfe:  If  fuch  advice 
hath  been  given,  it  was  weak  or  infidious,  and  the  agents,  who  re- 
commended the  meafure,  ought  to  be  removed  for  their  incapacity  or 
kheir  treachery. 

How  would  the  precedent  have  been  cftablilhed,  or,  if  it  had,  what 
would  have  been  the  advantage  I  Tiiis  conduA  would  have  admitted, 
that  the  colonies  might  be  taxed  at  any  time,  and  in  any  manner, 
without  their  confent ;  and  confequently,  would  at  once  have  been 
an  sflFeSual  furrender  of  ail  their  privileges  as  Britijh  fubjefts. 

If  precedents  were  to  be  regarded,  when  a  tax  in  Americas  for  th« 
fmgle  jturpofe  of  revenue  is  required,  they  arc  not  wanting.  Upon  fuch 
occafions,  ihc  courfe  hath  always,  and  uniformly  been,  'rill  the  im- 
pofition of  the  ftamp  duties,  to  tranfmit  requifttions  to  the  colonies  ; 
and,  if  the  inftance  cited  by  the  examiner,  i?/,  in  any  degree  pertinent, 
he  has  (hewn  in  his  appendix,  that  the  method  of  requifiti«n  was  in 
that  purfued  ;  for,  the  lords  of  trade,  in  ^heir  report,  exprefly  mention 
the  refufal  of  the  colonies  to  comply  with  the  requifttions  tranfmitted 
to  them,  to  remove  the  grievance  complained  of. 

Thci^^claufe  in  the  mutiny  a£l  during  the  late  war  is  alfo  relied  upon, 
but  with  how  much  propriety,  .fewwords  will  evince. 

The  a£l9  of  aOerably  of  each  colony,  could  have  no  obligatory 
Jbrce  beyond  the  limits  of  each  ;  but  the  ferviccof  the  colony  troops, 
was  not  con'fined  within  the  fame  colony  in  which  they  were  raifed  \ 
it  is  therefore  evident  that  the  provincial  legiflatures,  had  not  an  au- 
thority siilr^aatc  to  the  great  objecSt  of  the  military  operations  in  Ame' 
ricOj  which-was  not  merel-y  the  defence  of  the  pla  •'^ations,  by  mea- 
sures executed  within  their  boundaries,  but  the  enemy  was  attacked 

in 


Id 
tr 

Ml 
tc 

d 
tt 

ri 

ll 

e 

r 

e 
a 
I 

t 
} 
I 
< 

1 


■jjBBIH 


it  th«  ta(k  of  profti- 


haughty  gatts 


igrred  to  the  impofi* 
ave  been  ettabliihad 
I  upon  them  by  par- 
nates  that  they  were 
turfe :  If  fuch  advice 
he  agents,  who  rc- 
r  their  incapacity  or 

I,  or,  if  it  had,  what 
'ould  have  admitted, 
and  in  any  manner, 
at  once  have  been 
itijh  fubjedls. 
in  Americas  for  the 
ranting.  Upon  fucli 
y  been,  'rill  the  im- 
ons  to  the  colonies  ( 
any  degree  pertinenr, 
of  re<|uifiti«n  was  in 
>rt,  exprefly  mention 
quifttions  tranfmitted 

ir  is  alfo  relied  upon, 
ince. 

have  no  obligatory 
f  the  colony  troops, 
:h  they  were  raifed  j 
ures,  had  not  an  au- 
i  operations  in  Jme' 
la 'Nations,  by  mea- 
enemy  was  attacked 
in 


[     39    ] 

in  his  own  country,  and   for  this   purpofe  the  Sfit'ijh  and  AmnhM 
troops  afted  conjunftiy.     On  this   occafiou  it   was  not  only  conve- 
nient, thai  the  troops  employed  in  the  fame  fervict,  fhould  be  fubjcdt 
to  the   fame  •iilcipline,    but  it  was    indifpenfibly   neceflary  that  this 
difcipline  lliould  be  eftaWi(hcd  by  ail  of  parliament,  the  authority  ot 
the  provincial  Itgiflaturti  being  deemed  incompetent.     And  it  is  to  be 
remarked,  moreover,  that  the  provincial  troops  were  raifed  and  paid  by 
ihc  colonies,  and  that  it  was  in  the  power  of  their  aiTemblicH,  a  power 
exercifed  by    fom«  of  them,  to  difband  or   reduce  them  when  they 
pleafed,  and  therefore  their  fupporting  and  keeping  them  up,  was  an 
eh  6lual  confent  to  the  ^&.  of  parliament  ;  but  as   hath   been  fhcwn, 
an  internal  tax  may  be  as  compleatly  and  adequately  laid  in  every  co- 
lony, by  the  authority  of  the  refpeilive  tjemblies,  as  by  the   Brtiijb 
parlitment^  and  therefore  there  is  not  the  fame  necefSty  for  the  inter- 
pofition  of  the  mother-country  in  this,  as  in  the  other  inftance,  and 
the  colonies  with  relerence  to  the  flamp-aa,  are  not  called  upon  t» 
do  any  aft  cxpreflive  of  their  afl'ent  to  it,  nor  is  it  ia  their  power  to 
hinder  its  taking.cffei£l  in  the  fullert  cxcnt. 

The  aft  for  the  ejlablijhment  of  a  po/i- office  in  the  ceknies  (  9  Aanc^ 
c.  10,;  comes  the  nearelt  to  the  fobjeft  of  any  regulation  that  hath 
keen  mentioned  ;  but  yet  it  ii  materially  diftinguifhabie   from   tha 
ftamp-ad.     For  the  fume  rcafon  that  an  aft  of  parliament  was  necef- 
fary  to  fecure  the  difcipline  of  the  provincial  troops,  afiing  in  con- 
junaion  with  the  tiritijh  forces  during  the  late  war,  the  authority  of 
parliament  might  be  proper  for  the  general  eftablifhment  of  a  regular 
port- office,  for  as  the  laws  of  each  colony  are  in  their  operation  con- 
fined within  the  limits  •(  each,  prohibitory  aad  compulfivc  claufes  to 
inforce  a  general  obfervance,  without  which  the  eftablifhmcnt  would 
fail,  might  be  eluded.     If  a  man  fhould  malicioufly  give  a  wound  in 
one  colony,  and  the  wounded   perfon  die  in  another,  the  offender 
could  not  be  convifted  of  murder,  becauft;  the  whole  fa£t  conftttuting 
that  erime,  woald  not  be  cognizable  in  the  colony  where  the  wound 
was  given,  or  the  death  happened;    and  the  fame  principle  is  appU- 
eabla  to  every  other  inferior  offence,  and  intimates  in  what  manner 
prohibitory  c'Uufes  might   be  evaded.     This  matter  therefore  of  the 
poft-office,  may  be  referred  to  the  general  faperimending  authority  of 
the  mother  country,  the  power  of  the  provincial  Icgiflatures  being  too 
ftinted  to  reach  it.     In  this    view,  and  upon  the  confideratton  of  the 
general  convenience  and  accommodation  ariftng  from  the  eftablim- 
Hicnt,  the  people  of  America,  have  not  coniplaiiied  cf  it,  but  if  this 
inftance  were  mora  pertinent  than  it  is,  it  waiild  only  prove  wkat  hath 

been 


JL      4®      ] 

bean  too  Aftcn  proved  before when  men  do  not  fufpcA  wy  dedgnl 

to  invade  their  rights,  and  fubdolous  ftep«  taken  to  that  end,  arc  pro« 
du£live  of  immediate  convenience  without  pointing  out  their  deAruc* 
tivc  tendency,  they  are  frequently  involved  in  ruin  before  they  are  »• 
ware  of  danger,  or  that  the  condudl  flowing  from  the  n^ligence  of 
innoqertt  intentions,  may  sffbrd   a  handle  to  men  of  different  difpo- 

iJtiont,  for  the  commifllon  of  oppreifion of  the  truth  of  thefe  eb- 

fbrvations  the  hiftories  of  all  people  who  ha.vc  once  been  blefled  witli 
freedom*  and  have  loft  it,  exhibit  abundant  examples. 

When  inftances  are  urged  as  an  authoritative  reafon  ior  adopting  9 
new  meafure,  they  are  proved  to  be  fpore  important  from  this  ufe  oif 
them),  wi  ought  therefore  to  be  reviewed  with  accuracy,  and  can- 
^afTed  with  Itriclnefs.  What  is  propofed  ought  to  be  incorporated  with 
what  hath  been  done,  and  the  refglt  of  both  ftatcd  and  confidercd  9$ 
a  fubftintive  original  queftion,  «nd  if  the  meafure  propoied  i»  incom- 
B^tible  with  the  conftltutipnal  rights  of  the  fubjei^,  it  is  fo  far  from 
peing  a  rational  argument,  that  confiftency  requires  an  adoption  of 
the  propofed  meafure,  that,  on  the  contrary,  it  fuggefts  the  (trongeft 
inQtive  for  aboliOiing  the  precedent ;  when  therefor?  an  inftance  of 
devhiisn  from  the  conflitution  is  prefled  as  a  reafon  for  the  tjieblijb^ 
mtnt  of  a  meafure  (triking  at  the  very  root  of  all  libertjr  \  though  tivi 
argument  is  inconclufive,  it  ought  to  be  ufeful. 

Wherefore  if  a  fufficient  anlwer  were  not  given  to  the  argument 
drawn  from  precedents,  by  (hewing  that  none  of  the  inAances  adduc- 
ed are  applicable,  I  (houla  have  very  Uttle  diiScuIty  in  denying  the 
juftice  of  the  principle,  «n  which  it  is  founded.  Wha)!  hath  been 
doije,  if  wrongful,  confers  no  right  to  repeat  it.  To  juftify  oppref- 
iion  and  outr&ge,  by  inftances  of  their  commiflion,  is  a  kind  of  ar- 
gument which  never  can  produce  convidion,  though  it  »iay  thtW  ac-* 
qujcfcence,  whom  the  terror  of  greater  evils  may  reftrain  from  refift- 
ing,  and  thus  the  defpotifm  of  the  eaft  may  be  fupported,  and  the 
natural  rights  of  mankind  be  trampled  under  feet.  The  queftion  of 
rights  there/ore,  doth  not  depend  upon  preoedeAts,  but  on  the  prin'» 
ciples  of  the  conflitution,  and  hath  been  put  upon  its  proper  point  al- 
ready difcuiTcd,  whether  the  colofiies,  are  rcprefented  or  aot,  in  par- 
^^ament. 

As  the  name  of  HanAiin  occurred  to  the  examiner  in  his  deftgn  of 
c^ing  an  oblique  refle<Sion  upon  the  colonies,  it  is  furpiifuig  he  di* 
not  recoiled,  that  very  numerous  precedents  have  been  applied  in  thf 
defence  of  an  arbitrary  and  oppreflive  proceeding,  de(lru<Stive  of  'he 
eflcntial  principle  of  EngUJ^  liberty.     But  though  meer  ails  ©f  pawer 

prove 


pr( 
rec 

th: 
th; 
rc< 
th 
pa 
lii 
III 
ha 
vi 

Pl 
ft; 
m 
th 
fii 
h 

ir 

C( 

r< 
i< 

<( 

(I 

b 

t 
\ 

1 

£ 
C 
I 
( 

1 
I 

i 


C- 


>t  AiffM^l  wy  (kdgni 

0  that  end,  ^rc  pro* 
ng  out  their  deftrMC- 

before  they  are  a« 
>  the  n^ligence  of 
n  of  different  difpo* 
e  truth  of  thefe  ob- 
ct  bicfn  bleflfid  witd 
pies. 

afon  for  adopting  |i 
unt  from  this  ufe  of 
accgracy,  v\4  can- 
be  incorporated  witb 
cd  and  eonftdercd  ay 
r  prctpofed  i»  incom- 
o&,  it  is  fo  fiir  from 
lire*  an  adoption  of 
(>Sgcfts  the  (trongcft 
for?  an  tt>ftatK:e  of 
)n  for  the  e/igbli/h-' 
tiberty  i  thoM^h  ihi 

!n  to  th«  irgument 

the  iivfiances  adidttc- 

jity  in  deRying  the 

Whai!  hath  been 

To  juftify  oppref- 

n,  is  a  kind  of  ar< 

ugh  it  siay  tbtir  »c- 

'  reftrain  from  refift- 

fupported,  and  the 

t.     The  queftion  of 

Its,  but  on  the  prin- 

1  it»  proper  point  al- 
nted  or  R»t,  ia  par- 

liner  in  hi^  defignof 
:  is  furpiifmg  he  diA 
I  been  applied  in  th« 
,  dedruvStive  qf  'he 
me^f  aiU  9f  power 
prove 


t     4«     ] 

prove  no  right,  yet  tlie  real  opir>ion  entertained  of  it,  may  be  Infer- 
red from  forbearance  ;  for  mankind  are  generally   fo  fond  of  power, 
that  they  arc  oftencr  tempted  to  excrcifeit  bey»nd  the  limits  of  juftice, 
than  induced  to  fet  bounds  to  it  from  tte  pure  confidciacion  of  the 
rcdlitude  of  forbearance.     Wherefore  if   I  had  denied  the  principle  of 
this  kind  of  rcafoning,  without  fhewing  the  dcfcdts  of  the  artificial 
painted  precedents  which  have  been  produced,  I  might  ftill  very  con- 
fiHently  urge,  that,  th;  repeated  and  uniform  rcquifiiions  of  the  Etig- 
lijh  niinilters,  as  often    as  occai'ions    for   the  fmgle  purpoft  of  rtvenut 
have  happened,  tranfmittcd  to  the  colonies  to  tax  thcmfelves   by  pro- 
vincial adts,  and  the  a£ls  of  parliajnent  regulating  the  trade  of  the 
plantations,  as  well  as  of  Ireland^  without  one  inftance,  before   the 
ftamp  ad,  of  a  tax  impofed  by  parliament  upon  either,  for  the  un- 
mixed  purpofe   of  revenue  prove,  that  the   iropofition  of  a  tax  upon 
them  without  their  confent,  hath  conftantly  been  held   to  be  incon- 
fiftent  with  their  conftitutional   rights   and   privileges.     I  have  joined 
Ireland  with  the  colonics,  and    prefume  it  will  hardly  be   contended 
that  Iretand^  over  which  the  courts  of  juftice  in  England  have  a  fuper- 
intendant  power,  is  not,  at  Uaft,  a«  fubjeft  to   Gnat  Britain  as   the 
colonies  are. 

A  moft  extraordinary  reafon  hath  been  given,  why  tht  method  of 
requifitlon  would  have  been  improper,  viz..  that  •'  the  fums  raifed 
"  muft  be  paid  into  the  exchequer,  and  if  levied  by  the  provincial 
<»  affemblies,  the  parliament  would  have  no  tight  to  enquire  into  the 
«  expenditure  of  them."  This  is  fo  extremely  futile,  that  it  would 
be  almoft  abfurd  to  beftow  a  ferious  refutation  upon  it. 

Why  muft  the  fums  raifed  be  paid  into  the  exchequer  ?  If  the  in- 
tention is  to  apply  them  in  the  colonies  to  any  Internal  purpofe,  why 
muft  they  be  remitted  to  Great  Britain  ?  if  armies  are  to  be  kept  up 
in  America^  to  defend  the  colonies  againft  them/elves,  (for  it  cap  hard- 
ly be  imagined  that  troops  are  necffTary  for  their  proteftion  againft 
any  foreign  enemy  j  or  are  to  be  employed  in  the  national  fervise  of 
cropping  the  ears,  and  flitting  the  noftrils  of  the  civil  magiftrates,  as 
marks  of  diftindion  *,  why  muft  the  money  be  paid  into  the  exche- 
quer ?  or,  if  it  ftiould  be  paid  into  the  exchequer,  in  order  to  be  ap^ 
plied  towards  finking  the  national  debt,  why  might  not  the  parlia- 
ment enquire  into  the  application  of  it  ?  does  the  examiner,  in  his 
idea  of  the  parliament,  figure  to  himfelf  a  monfter  with  an  hand  that 

F  can 

»  See  the  narrative  of  the  outrtgei  coaamitted  by  the  foldiery,  oa  M»' 
juftice  ff'tlhr  i«  Cantula. 


it 

(-■;■  -i: 


[     4^     J 

aan  reach  to  the  utmoft  verge  of  tl.e  n'itijh  dorrilnioi^,  and  clufCh 
and  crufli  millions  oJ  fubjetiU  at  a  j^ripe ;  but,  when  the  objedl  is  near, 
apt  to  be  rendered  by  fonie  imigital  influence,  fo  (hort,  and  fo  feeble, 
as  not  to  be  able  to  reach  the  exchequer^  or  to  fquecxc  the  chanctitor  of 
it? 

We  are  aflured  that  there  never  can  be  any  irregular  «'  attempts  of 
*'  the  prerogative  upon  our  rights,  whilft  we  arc  blellcd  w>th  a  prince 
**  of  the  gloriouj  line  of  Brunfwick  upon  the  throne  of  Great-  liritain." 
1  have  all  the  confidence  in   the  excellent  diCpofitions  of  our   pref-^nt 
moft  gracious  fovcrcign  that  an  Erigliflmian  ought  to  have,  but  I  can- 
not penetrate  into  futurity  ;  and,  as  the  examiner    hath  not  yet   efta»- 
bliflied  the  charadcr  of  a  prophet,  I  muftconfider  this  afTcrtion  rather 
as  a  curious  fpccimen  of  lip- loyalty,  I  will  not  call  it  extravagant  adu- 
lation, than  as  a  <>>ber  recommendation,  to  furrender  all  thofe  guards 
and  fccurities  of  liberty,  which  the  conftiiution  of  a  free  government 
hath  provided  ;  but,  if  the  Britijh  Americans  fliould  ever  be  reduced 
te  the  unh«ppy  neccfTity  of  giving  up  their    natural    rights,  and    their 
civil  privileges,  I  believe    they  would  ai  foon  make  the  furrender  to  a 
pnu'jre  •f  the  lint  of  Brunfwici,  as  to  any  other  mortal,  or  number  of 
mortals,  in  the  univerfe. 

We  have  feen  too  a  piece  in  fome  of  our  late  news  papers,  all  be- 
dawbed  with  the  lace  of  compliment there  is  no  end  to  human  am- 
bition !  it  is  perpetually  rcltleCs,  and  pulhing  forward.  If  a  little 
jp.  ..(fl-.-r  f  is  raifed  to  the  title  of  excellency,  and  the  rank  of  a 
kind  of  viceroy,  there  is  flill  a  fummit  beyond  the  eminence  to  which 
he  hath  been  elevated,  that  he  is  follicituus  to  pain. 

It  ha:h  been  truly  faid,  that  "  it  will  be  no  eafy  tafk  to  pcrfuade  the 
««  Ameruam  to  forfake  the  culture  of  their  lands,  to  leave  the  ways 
"  their  fathers  trod,  and  in  whith  themfclvcs  were  trained,  to  drop  a 
bufinefs  they  already  uriderftand,  in  which  they  have  had  long  ex- 
perience, and  by  which  their  families  have  thriven,  to  change  all 
their  habits  of  thinking,  and  their  manner  of  life,  in  order  to  apply 
to  arts  which  they  do  iiot  know,  or  know  but  imperfct'tly,  and  that 
where  eftates  may  be  calily  railed  by  mere  tillage,  the  temptations 
*'  to  manufa£tHre  are  wantin?,  and  men,  who  can  depend  upon  their 
*«  induilry  alone,  will  not  have  fccourfe  to  arts  for  fubhilencc."  But 
tfeat  which  perfuafion  might  not  cftcdt,  and   to  whith   peculiar  cir- 

cumftances 

f  A  lata  cotili'e  fp^ech  puts  me  in  mind  of  the  ingenuity    of  the   female 
difdutant,  who  iifed  lo  filrr.cc  dtbiw,  by  crjing  cut,  Ged  blcj's  tke  king,  and 


flai 
fta 
nn( 
rat 
by 

iiru 

wii 
ma 
wc 
aw 
jed 
in< 
ha' 
am 
ne' 
the 
of 
tin 
dif 
th< 
dif 
lift 
ba 
ex 

m 

ne 

thi 
tat 
un 
rit 
an 

CO 

an 
(h 
m 
ne 
of 

6V 

to 

fo 


Tiiliioils,  ant!  clutch 
n  the  objedl  is  near, 
[hort,  and  fo  feeble, 
:esc  the  chancellor  ut' 

■gular  "  attempts  of 
alcflcH  With  a  prince 
ic  of  Greut-  liritain." 
tions  of  our  pref'snl 
:  to  have,  but  I  can- 
r  hath  not  yet  efta»- 
'  this  aflertion  rather 
1  it  extravagant  adu- 
nder  all  thofe  guards 
f  a  free  government 
jid  ever  be  reduced 
al  rights,  and  their 
ke  the  furrcnder  to  a 
[lortai,  or  number  of 

news  papers,  all  be- 
o  end  to  human  am- 
forward.  If  a  little 
,  and  the  rank  of  » 
e  eminence  to  which 
in. 

y  ta(k  to  pcrfuade  the 
,  to  leave  the  ways 
■re  trained,  to  drop  a 
cy  have  had  long  ex- 
riven,  to  change  all 
life,  in  order  to  apply 
impcrfc(.Hly,  and  that 
lap;e,  the  temptations 
ran  depend  upon  their 
for  Cublutencc."  But 
which  peculiar  cir- 
eumflances 


iger)oity    of  the   female 

God  bijs  the  king,  and 


[    43     ] 

fiances  mipht  be  adverfe,  neceflity,  and  an  alteration  of  th«fc  circum- 
fiances,  may  accompiifh.  When  the  alternative  is  propoled,  and  the 
one  part  of  it  aiVures  fuccefs,  tnd  a  comfortable  fuppoit  by  a  mod«- 
rate  application  of  indulhy,  familian/ed  by  ufe,  and  rendered  eafy 
by  pradiica;  and  the  other  affording  only  an  experiment  of  p>ecarioui 
iiiue,  calling  for  an  application  unexperienced  and  dreaded,  attended 
with  perplexity,  and  produdlivc  of  irkfome  anxiety,  the  generality  of 
mankind  would  not  hefitatc  in  choofing  the  former  But,  though  it 
would  gain  the  preference  of  choice,  yet,  if  the  alternative  is  taken 
away,  and  choice  yields  to  neceflity,  the  enterprising  will  form  pro- 
jcdh,  the  judicious  improve,  the  indultrioua  execute  them.  Succefs, 
in  one  inftance,  will  animate  the  timid  to  make  trial  of  the  means  whicU 
have  fuccceded  under  the  direction  of  others,  ftimuhte  the  phlegmatic, 
and  roufe  the  indolent — (houtd  the  neceflity  alter  a  little  time,  ceafe, 
new  habits  may  become  as  firong  as  the  old,  and  the  alternative  would 
therefore  be  altered,  the  ch;aicc  be  an  a(?l  of  deliberation,  rather  than 
of  blind  impulfe  ;  old  prejudices  would  be  greatly  abated,  if  not  ex- 
tinpuifhed,  new  attachments,  perhaps,  be  formed.  f>om  this  change, 
different  confequences  may  be  conjed^ured  or  foretold,  and  perhaps 
the  moft  confident  might  be  difappointed  by  the  event.  It  is  not  fa 
diflUcult  tor  men  to  ftrike  into  new  employments  and  method^  of 
life,  when  impelled  by  the  urgency  of  diftrcfs,  nor  fo  eafy  to  call  therrt 
hack  to  their  old  manner  of  life,  and  divert  them  from  new  purfuits 
experienced  to  he  profitable,  and  produiiivt  of  the  htji  jtcurity  againjl 
6pprfJJiony  as  fome  feem  to  apprehend. 

It  is  not  contended  that  the  colonies  ought  to  be  indulged  in  a  ge- 
neral liberty  of  exporting  and  importing  every  thing  in  what  manntr 
they  pleafe,  but,  fince  they  are  hindered  from  making  all  the  advan- 
tages they  might  ds),  and  what  advantages  mi^ht  they  not  make,  if 
under  no  checks  f  they  have  a  good  plea  againft  all  rigour  and  feve- 
rity,  not  ablolutely  neceflary.  That  Britijh  manufadlurcs  come  dearer, 
and  not  fo  good  in  quality  to  America,  as  formerly,  is  a  very  general 
complaint,  and  what  efiedt  it  may  have,  fhouid  they  (till  grow  dearer 
and  Wisrfc  in  quality,  or  the  colonies  be  tendered  lefs  able  to  confumc 
ihem,  is  a  coniideration  which  concern*  Great- Britain,  at  leaft  as 
much  as  the  colonies.  An  increare  of  price,  and  falling  in  the  good- 
r.efs  of  quality,  is  tlic  ulual  efJ'edt  of  monopolies;  there  is  no  danger 
of  fwreigiiers  taking  advatrtage  of  this  citcumflancc  in  /Imerica,  what- 
fever  they  may  do  in  oih^r  countries ,  but  the  induftry  it  may  give  rife 
to  in  rimerica,  wljcn  other  circumlUnccs  concur,  is  not  diffici.lt  to  be 
forcfcen. 

It 


r 


E     44    ] 

It  muft  be  acknowledged,  thjt  the  balance  of  trade  between  Grftl" 
Britain  and   her  colonies,  is  confidcrably  agaifift  the  latter,  and  tha» 
tiogold  or  fiUcr  mines  have  yet  been  difcoveied  in  the  old /f/n/man 
fetttements,  or  among  the  trtajurti  of  the  new  acquifitions.     How  then 
it  this  balance   to  be  difchaigcd  ?  The  former  tiade  of  the  colonies, 
which  enabled  them  to  keep  up  their  credit  wiih  Great- Britain,  by  ap- 
plying the  balance  they  had  gained  againlt  foreigners,  is  now  fo  fettered 
with  difficulties,  as  to  be  almoft  prohibited.     In«)rdcr  therefore  to  re- 
duce the  balance  againit  them  upon  the  trade  between  the  colonies 
and  Great  Britain,  this  trade  muft  be  contradlcd,    fo  as  to  bring  the 
fcales   to   an  equilibrium,    or   a  debt   will    be  incurred   that    can't 
ie  paid  off,  which   will  diftrefs  the  creditor  as  well  as  the  debtor,  by 
the  infolvency  of  the  latter.     The  income  aUb  of  the  colonics,  which 
was  before  invefted  in  their  trade,  will  be  diminiflicd  in  proportion  to 
the  produce  of  the  ftamp-a<ft,  and   therefore  the  amount  of  that  pro- 
duce muft  be  drawn  out,  which  will  create  a  further  redudion  of  the 

trade. 

I  confefs  that  I  am  one  of  thofe  who  do  not  perceive  the  policy  in 
laying  difficulties  and  obflrudlions  upon  the  gainful  trade  of  the  colo- 
nies with  foreigners,  or  that  i»:  even  makes  any  real  diference  to 
the  Englifl)  nation,  whether  the  merchants  who  carry  it  on  with  com- 
modities Gnat-Britain  will  not  purchafe,  refide  in  Philadtlphia^Ntw- 
Yerk  or  Bojien,  London,  Bri/iol,  or  Liverpool,  when  the  balance  g  ined 
by  the  American  merchant  in  the  putfuit  of  that  trade  centers  in  Great- 
Britain,  and  is  applied  to  the  difcharge  of  a  debt  contracted  by  the 
confumption  of  Britijh  manufactures  in  the  colonies,  and  in  this  to 
the  fupport  of  the  national  expencc. 

If  in  confequencc  of  the  obftru£lion»,  or  regulations  as  they  are 
called,  of  their  commerce,  and  the  impofition  of  taxes  upon  their 
properties,  the  colonies  Ihould  only  be  driven  to  obferve  the  ftriCteft 
maxims  of  frugality,  the  confequencc  would  rather  be  difagreeabU 
than  hurtful— (hould  they  be  forced  to  ufe  new  methods  of  induftry, 
and  to  have  recourfe  to  arts  for  a  fupply  of  necefl'aries,  the  difficulty  in 
fuccceding  would  prove  lefs  than  the  apprehenfion  of  mifcarrying,  and 
♦he  benefit  greater  than  the  hope  of  it.  There  are  few  people  of  the 
hi(iheft>  and  even  of  the  middle  rank,  but  would  upon  a  ftri£t  fcru- 
tiny  into  their  ordinary  difburfements,  difcover  fome  articles  that 
would  admit  of  defalcation. 

A  prudent  man,  conftrained  to  abridge  his  outgoings,  will  confider 
what  articles  of  expcnce  may  be  retrenched  or  given  up  without  dif- 
nefs  or  difcomfort,  and  if,  after  this  faving,  he  ftill  finds  that  his  ex- 

pences 


ps 
w 
d< 
n 

ti 
ti 
n 

il 
il 

tl 
b 
b 
< 

fi 

a 

tl 

0 

V 

il 
I 


ide  between  Grftt- 
he  latter,  and  that 
in  the  old  Amtrican 
fitions.     Howtheu 
ade  of  the  coloniei* 
rial- Britain^  by  ap- 
rs/is  now  fu  fettered 
rder  therefore  to  re- 
;twern  the  colonies 
fo  as  to  bring  the 
ncurrrd   that     can't 
:ll  as  the  debtor,  by 
the  colonies,  which 
hed  in  proportion  to 
amount  of  that  pro> 
her  reduction  of  the 

erceive  the  policy  in 
\\x\  trade  of  the  colo- 
y  real  d'fercnce  to 
ifry  it  on  with  om- 
n  Philadelphia,  Ntw- 
n  the  balance  gined 
ide  centers  in  Grttit' 
tt  contracted  by  the 
mies,  and  in  this  to 

Illations  as  they  are 
of  taxes   upon  their 

obferve  the  (}ri«^efl 
ther  be   difagrerabl* 

rliethods  of  induftry, 
iries,  the  difficulty  in 
J  of  mifcarrying,  and 
are  few  people  of  the 
Id  upon  a  ftri£l  fcru- 
r   Tome  articles  that 

[goings,  will  confider 

given  up  without  dif- 

ftill  finds  that  his  ex- 

pences 


I 


t    45    ] 


pence*  exce«d  his  income,  he  will  then  conruler  of  what  arriclcs 
he  can  provide  a  fupply  by  the  aiplicamn  of  dumcUic  in- 
«)uftry,  or  whether  feme  tolerable  fubltitute  may  not  be  fallen  upon 
to  anfwer  the  purpofe  ef  what  he  can  neiiher  buy,  nnr  haih  fkill  or 
ability  to  fabricate.  He  will  rcfledl  that  the  expedient  which  is  at 
firft  but  an  indiffrrent  fhift,  ufc  and  cxpericntc  will  improve  into  con- 
venience, that  pradtice  will  confer  knowledge  and  fkill,  and  thefe  fa- 
cility and  fatiifadlion,  and  tho'  the  progrefs  fhould  be  flow  a^d  gradual, 
habit  will  grow  with  it,  and  produce  leconcilcmcnt  and  content. 

What  are  called  in  North  Amerita,  luxuries,  ought  for  the  moft 
part  to  be  ranked  among  the  comfoite  and  decencies  of  life,  but  thcfc 
will  not  be  relinquifhed,  if  a  fupply  of  nect-flarics  may  be  provided  by 

domefiic  induftry for  food,  thank  GOD,   they   do  not,  and   for 

raiment  they  need  not,  depend  upon  Great- Britain, 

Any  thin  covering  in  the  fummer  to  preferve  dcce  cy,  and  fubftan- 
tial  cloathing  in  the  winter  to  repel  the  c<  Id,  aie  (ufficicnt  for  domef- 
tic  fervants  and  labourers,  and  thefe  may  be  provided  w-thout  any  rc- 
mora  to  the  bufniefs  of  tillage,  for  there  are  many  intervals  in  which 
it  is  fufpended.     1  here  are  times  too,  when  the  employment   is  fo 
flight  as  to  be  rather  a  moderate  cxercife,  than  a  laborious  tafk,  when 
the  work  tha»  is  done  might  be  perfoimed  b\  half  the  number  of  la- 
bourers without  exceifivc  exertion,  or  exhaulfinp fatigue.      I  here  arc 
befides  inmofl  families  thofe,  whom  the  feebleiufs  of  immature  years, 
or  their  fex,  at  particular  periods, or  the  decripitude  of  old  agc,difcharg9 
from  the  dutie'i  of  tillage.     Lea. her,  and  wool,  and  cotton,  and  flax, 
are  at  hand  :   How  cafy  then  is  the  necefTary  cloathing  provided  for 
thofe  whofe  (Ution  does  not  require  any  attention  or  regard  to  fafhion, 
or  elegance  \  fo  eafy  that  many  have  already  gone  into  this  manufaiSture 
without  any  other  impulfc,  than  the  fpirit  of  indullry,  which  can't  bear 
inadlion,  tho'the  favings  on  this  head  have  afterwards  been  neglected. 
In  this  very   confiderable  branch   fo   little   difficulty  is  theie,   that    a 
beginning  is  half  the  work.     The  path  is  beaten,  there  is  no  danger  of 
lofing  the   way,  there    are  diredlors   to  guide  every  Hep.     But  why 
Ihould  they  (top  at  the  point  of  cloathing  labourers,  why  not  proceed, 
when  vigour  and  Itiength  will  increaCc  with  the  progreffion,  to  cloath 
the  planters  ?  When  the  firft  ftage  is  arrived  at,  the  fpirits  will  be  re- 
cruited, and  the  fecond  fhould  be  undertaken  with  alacrity,  fince  it 
mav  be  performed  with  cafe.     In  this  too,  the  experiment  hath  been 
made  and  hath  fucceedcd.     Let   the   manufa6fure  of  America   be  the 
lymbol  of  dignity,  the  badge  of  virtue,  and   it  will  foon  break  the  fet- 
ters of  diltrefs.     A    garment  of  linfey-woifey,  when   made  the    dif- 
tiHiStiono^^ical  patriotifm,  it  mote  honourable  and  auta«5hve  of  refpedt 

tnii 


r 


[  46  ] 

anil  veneratien,  than  all  the  pageintry,  and  »he  robea,  and  thoplume«» 
and  the  diadem  of  an  emperor  without  it.  Let  the  emulation  be  not 
in  the  richnefj  and  variety  of  foreign  produ£lioni,  but  in  the  improve- 
ment and  perfedion  of  our  own--Lct  it  be  demonftrated  that  the 
fubjtfli  of  the  Briiilb  empire  in  Eurtpi  and  Amerua  are  the  fame,  that 
the  hardfliipsofthc  latter  will  ever  recoil  upon  the  t  former. 

In  theory  it  i«  fuppofcd  that  each  is  e«|ually  important  to  the  other, 
that  all  partake  of  the  adverfuy  and  dcpreflionof  any.  The  theory  is 
juft,  and  time  will  certainly  eftablifh  i'j  but  if  another  principle  (hould 
be  ever  hereafter  adopted  in  pra£Uce,  and  a  violation  deliberate,  cruel, 
ungrateful,  and  attended  with  every  circumftanc*  of  provocation,  bo 
offered  to  our  fundamental  riehts,  why  (hould  we  leave  it  to  the  flow 
advances  of  time  (which  may  bcthe  great  hope  and  reliance,  probably, 
•f  the  author!  of  the  injury,  whoft  view  it  may  be  to  accomplifli  their 
fclfilh  purpofes  in  the  interval)  to  prove  what  might  be  dcmonflrated 
immediately— Inf^ead  of  moping,  and  puling,  and  whining  to  excite 
companion  i  in  fuch  a  fituation  we  ought  with  fpirit,  and  vigour,  and 
alacrity,  to  bid  defiance  to  tyranny,  by  expofing  it's  impotence,  by 
making  it  as  conteniptible,  as  it  would  be  deteftable.  By  a  vigorous 
application  to  manufaftures,  the  confequence  of  oppreflion  in  the  co- 
lonics to  the  inhabitants  of  (ireat- Britain,  would  Itrilte  home,  and 

iipmediatoly 

X  Upaa  a  furmifc  thai  a  certiin  noble  I— "1,  wai  the  aatKar  of  fome  bs^d- 
fliipi  ieflifiad  upoa  ih*  eoloniei,  a  reproachful  and  mifchicvoui  diRiaAioa 
hath  been  mid*  by  fome  people,  bttwcea  ika  aativti  of  £~./— —  </,  aid  of 
E-^g-..—J  %3kA  Omenta,  which  cfcry  judicioui  friend  of  the  eoloniei  moft 
wi(h  to  fic  abolifticd.and  ^nUnitn  rather  eUablifhed  than  divifiont  promo- 
ted. Every  nan  who  hai  hit  all,  and  the  welfare  ot  hit  poftciity  at  lUke, 
upon  the  profperity  of  Amtrica,  ai  he  bath  an  intereft  in  common  with  the 
nativciof  it,  ought  to  be  confidered  ai  an  American— -^U  u  an  cfle&ual  way 
to  make  men  tdverfaries,  to  cai;  and  treat  them  a*  fuch  — Befides,  layirg 
atide  thii  confider?'  on,  the  diftinftion  i»  extremely  unjuft ;  lor  tho' there  la 
too  much  reafen  10  believe  that  fome  native  *  ofi  Avierica,  and  of  £  -g^—J, 
who  have  refided  in  the  coloriei,  have  been  inflrumental  in  bringing  upon 
4)»  the  feveritiei  we  deplore,  yet  hath  it  never  been  even  furmifed,  I  fpeak  • 

to  their  honour,  that     %y  native  of  5—-/ </ refiding,  or  that  ever  did 

ftfidein  .'merica,  in  any  degree  a  hand  in  then..     It  ii  much  to   be 

feared,  it  the  breach  which  a  lOO  eager  profecution  of  the  little  ^  ew>  of 
party  hath  made  among  the  inhabitants  of  a  colony  heretofore  the  moft  dif- 
tinguilhed  for  prudence  and  unanimity,  flionld  not  be  clofed,  in  confideration 
of  the  general  calamity,  that  America  as  well  rs  Denmark,  will  furnJtlt  an  in< 
ftancc  of  the  txceUire  temerity  cf  political  aniroofiiy. 


ea,  and  theplumeit 
le  emulation  be  not 
but  in  the  improve- 
nonflratcd  that  the 
a  are  the  fame,  that 

former. 

lortant  to  the  other, 
ny.  1  he  theory  is 
ner  principle  ihould 
on  deliberate,  cruel, 
of  provocation,  be 

leave  it  to  the  flow 
I  reliance,  probably, 
to  accompli(h  their 
;ht  be  demo<iihtted 
d  whining  to  exciCe 
rit,  and  vigour,  and 

it's  impotence,   by 

[>le.     By  a  vigorous 

ippreHion  in  the  cs- 

1  itrilie  home,  and 

iqimcdiatoly 

!  aa(h«r  of  fome  hsrd- 
nifchievoui  diftlBAloa 
of  S— /-— 4/,  a«d  of 
id  of  the  coloniei  muft 
than  divifiont  promo> 
\  hit  poftciitx  at  Aake, 
:  ID  common  with  the 
-It  i»  an  cft'cAual  way 
tch— — Befides,  layirg 
njuK  ,  tor  tho'  there  11 
4i  and  of  E  —g  1  d, 
intal  in  bringing  upon 
en  furmifed,  1  fpeak  h 
iding,  or  that  aver  did 
ti.  It  is  much  to  be 
of  the  little  viewt  of 
icretofore  the  r  oft  dif- 
:1ored,  in  cocfideration 
fark,  will  furmilt  an  in- 


[    +7    ] 

(AimeJiatety.  None  would  miftiitce  it.  Craft  and  fubtiity  wsuIJ  not 
be  able  tu  impoie  on  the  mull  ignorant  and  credulous ;  for  if  an^ 
fliould  be  fo  weak  of  fight  as  not  to  fee,  they  would  not  be  (b  callous 
as  not  to  feel  it. ---Such  conduiSt  would  be  the  moR  dntiful  and  bene- 
ficial to  the  mother-country.  It  wuuld  point  out  thediftemper  wheh 
fthe  remedy  might  be  eafy,  and  a  cure  at  once  effe£lcd  by  a  limple  al- 
teration or^  regimen. 

Of  this  meafure  (hould  there  be  apprehenfiens,  and  minifterial  ora- 
tors and  panegyrilh  endeavour  to  obviate  them  by  obfervjng,  that, 
•'  it  would  always  be  eafy  to  reinftate  things  where  they  wtre,  and 
**  that  by  ealing  the  colonics  of  their  burthens,  and  giving  encou- 
*'  ragemcnt  to  their  produce  ;  the  eftabliOiment  of  any  manufadlure 
♦«  in  Amirica  might  be  pretentcd."  Wc  (hould  mark  well  this  rea- 
foning,  and  avail  ourfelvcs  of  the  inilrudlion  given'by  oUr  enemies, 
which  would  point  out  to  us  the  remedy,  and  the  more  fpeedy  the 
application  of  it  the  better,  and  that  would  depend  upon  ourfelvcs. 

Ilefides  the  urgency  of  fuch  an  occafion  (fhould  it  happen)  there 
would  be  another  powerful  inducement  to  this  fimple,  natural,  eafy 
method the  good  or  bad  fuccefs  of  one  attempt  to  opprefs,  gene- 
rally produces  or  prevents  future  impofitions.  In  common  life  a  tame- 
nefs  in  bearing  a  deprivation  of  part  of  a  man's  property,  enceuraget 
rapacity  to  feire  the  reft. 

Any  opprefTion  of  the  colonies,  would  intimate  an  opinion  of  then 
I  am  perfuadcd  they  do  nut  deferve,  and  their  fecurity  as  veil  as  ho- 
nour ought  to  engage  thsm  to  confute.  When  contempt  is  mixed 
with  injuftice,  and  infult  with  violence,  which  is  the  cafe  when  an 
injury  is  done  to  him  who  hath  the  me^ns  «f  rcdrefs  in  his  power  ;  if 
the  ininred  hath  one  inflammaWe  grain  of  ^  nour  in  his  breaft,  his 
'''''^^  iitiiit  ,t  will  invigorate  his  purfuit  of  reparation,  and  animate  his 
..arts  to  obtain  ?n  eti'ediual  fecurity  againit  a  repetition  of  ihii  out- 
rage, ffe'    ■ 

If  the  cafe  fuppofed  (hould  really  happen,  the  refentment  I  fhould 
recommend  would  i;  a  legal,  orderly,  and  prudent  refentment,  ta 
be  cxprefTed  \f\  a  zealous  and  vigorous  *  induilry,  in  an  immediate 

ufe 

*  The  ingenious  Mr.  hum',  obfcrvfi  in  his  hi(!ory  of  Jamu  I.  that  the 
Er.gliJJj  iiat  cloth  was  in  fo  btde  credit  even  at  home,  thr.t  ihr  kingwi* 
t  biiged  te  UtV  expedients  by  which  he  might  engage  the  peoi»!«  of  /afhi  n  to 
M«ar  it,  aadicho  inanJ'eiVir«t  u!  tine  linen  wat  totally  unknur.n  id  ire 
ktn^ficr -^whJt  an  cncvu-  iemciit  10  iBduttc/ !    1  r.i«  vcr;.  p  nv.  t  ilsf 


It-,  i 


,;M 


■"  I '  ) 

I'  i 

V-i 
'■'  i 

H 


[     43     ] 

ufe  and  unabating  application  of  the  advantages  we  derive  frnm  our 
fituation a  refemment  which  could  not  fail  to  produce  rfFe«3>.  as  be- 
neficial to  the  mother  country  as  to  the  colonies,  and  which  a  regard 
to  her  welfare  as  well  as  our  own,  ought  to  infpire  us  with  on  fuch  an 
occafion. 

The  general  afTemblies  would  not,  I  fuppofc,  have  it  in  their  power 
to  encourage  by  laws,  the  profecution  of  this  beneficial,  this  necefia- 
ry  meafure ;  but  they  might  promote  it  almoft  as  effedually  by  their 
example.     I  have  in  my  younger  days  feen  fine  fights,  and  been  cap- 
tivated by  their  dazzling  pomp  and  glittering  fplendor;    but  the  light 
of  our  rcprefentatives,  all  adorned  in  complcat  dreflcs  of  their  own 
leather,  and  flax,  and  wool,  manufa^ured   by  the  art  and  induftry  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Virginia^  weuld   excite,  not  the  gaze  of  admira- 
tion, the  flutter  of  an  agitated  imagination,  -or  the  momentary  amufc- 
ment  of  a  tranfient  fcene,  but  a  calm,  folid,  heart- felt  delight.     Such 
a  fight  would  give  me  more  pleafure  than  the  moft  fplendld  and  mag- 
nificent fpcftacle  the    mcft  exquifite  tafte  ever  painted,  the  richefl 
fancy  ever  imagined, realized  to  the  view.. ..as  much  moie  pleafuie  as  a 
good  mind  would  receive  Irom  the  contemplation  of  virtue,  than  of 
elegance  ;  of  the  fpirit  of  patriotifm,  than  the  oftentation  of  opulence. 
Not  only,  "  as  a  friend  to  the  colonies,"  but  as  an  inhabitant  ha- 
ving my  all  at  {take  upon  their   welfare  t  I  <^cfire  an  "  exemption 
*'  from  taxes  impofcd  without  my  conjent^  and"  1  have  refledted  longer 
than  "  a  moment  upon  the  confequcnces ;"  I  value  it  as  one  of  the 
dcareft  privileges  I  enj  jy  :   I  acknowledge  dependance  on  Great  Bri- 
tairty  but  I  can  perceive  a  degree  of  it  without  flavery,  and  I  difown 
all  other.     I  do   not  expeft  that  the    ntereffs  of  the  colonies  will  be 
eonfidered  by  fome  men,  but  in    fubferviency  to  other  regards.     The 
efFeds  of  luxury,  and  venality,  and  opprefTion,  pofterity  may  perhaps 
experience,  and  sufficient   for  the  day  will  be  the    evil 

THEREOF. 

tieman  alfo  recommends  a  mild  gtvernmint ,  ai  a  propir  meafure  for  preferv- 
ing  chc  dominion  of  England  ever  her  coloaie*. 
t  ^ti  tht  regulations,  &ci,  page  iii< 


A  P  P  E  N- 


I 

cm 
Gr 


pre 
it  \ 
of 
pr( 
tie 
to 
fai 
ab 
po 
ch 
cei 
A 

Pi 

as 

th 
di 
th 
m 
it 
tl 
tf 
i\ 

ti 
*( 

«i 

<i 
<i 


e  derive  from  our 

odiice  ffFei£t>>  as  be- 

and  which  a  regard 

us  wiib  on  fuch  an 

ve  it  in  their  power 
eiicial,  this  necefla- 
efFedtually  by  their 
jhts,  and  been  cap- 
ndor;    but  the  fight 
reflTes  of  their  own 
e  art  and  induftry  of 
le  gaze  of  admira- 
:  mumentary  amufe- 
t-  felt  delight.     Such 
I  fplendid  and  mag- 
painted,  the  richeft 
;h  moie  pleafuie  as  a 
m  of  virtue,  than  of 
;ntation  of  opulence, 
as  an  inhabitant  ha- 
fire  an  "  exemption 
have  reflected  longer 
lue  it  as  one  of  the 
dance  on  Great  Br'i- 
lavery,  and  I  difown 
the  colonies   will  be 
other  regards.     The 
jofterity  may  perhaps 

ILt    BE    THE     EVIL 


)cr  meafbre  for  preferv- 


A  P  P  E  N- 


I  1 « 1 

APPENDIX. 

BY  the  izth  Cbarks  II.  the  colonies  are  reftraincd  from  fen^lin? 
the  products  enumerated  in  .he  zQ.  to  any  for  a gn  ur.rtf. •«:,' 
the  15th  of  the  fame  king,  they  are  prohibited  froT,  .mi.mrpnj; 
commodities  of  the  growth  or  manufafture  of  hurofe  exc^^i  jro^n 
Credit- Britain,  favin?  a  few  articles  memioned  m  this  adt. 

A  law,  which  reftrains  one  part  of  the  fnc.cty,  fronr.  exporin^  n. 
produas  to  the  moft  profitable  market,  in  favour  of  another  ;  or  obliges 
Ttto  import  the  manufaftures  of  one  country  that  are  dear,  mflead 
of  thofe  of  another  that  arc  cheap,  is  effeaually  a  tax.  For  ,t  the 
profitable  exportation,  and  the  importation  of  the  cheaper  commod.- 
?ie,  were  permitted,  a  tax  equal  to  fuch  gain  m  the  former  cafe,  ami 
o  the  faving  in  the  latter,  would  leave  that  part  ot  the  fociety  m  the 
fatie  ftate  and  condition,  as  if  under  the  proh.b.t.on  and  refh.a.o,, 
above  mentioned.  As  for  inftance  in  the  cafe  of  ,..^.rr...«  bup- 
nofe  a  country  which  I  will  diftinguifh  by  the  name  of  A,  can  pur- 
c'ufe  commodities  of  the  fame  ^-d,  and  equal  goo  ne,,    .0^.. 

cent  cheaper  of  B,    than  (he  can  of  C  ; Then  '^  "  J.'"^  '^ 

Ts  prohibited  from  taking  thefe  commodities  of  B,  and  obliged  to 
mirchafe  them  of  C,  that  A  is  juft  i«  the  fame  ftate  and  condition. 
L  ir^e  we^  allowed  to  purchife   the  commodities  ot  B,  on  paying 

thereon  a  duty  of  20  per  cent  to  C This  inttance,  mutatu  vwtan- 

j^r^  equally  applicable  to  the  cafe  of  exportation.  Hence  it  appears 
that  the  countty  favoured  by  the  prohibition  and  reftni^.on,  gams  a, 
much  thereby,  as  it  would  do,  if  the  proportionate  tax  were  paid  to 
U,  upon  taking  ofFthe  prohibition  and  reftr.aion  ;  or,  ,n  other  words 
he  profit  which  the  one  is  hindered  from  making,  m  conlequence  of 
the  prohibition  and  reftri<Slion,  is  made  by  the  other,  m  whole  favour 
they  have  been  introduced.  .  .u     r  u-»q.  „<■ 

Ithathbeenobfervedbyawell-received  writer  on  the  fubjea  of 
trade,  that  "  aprohibitionacknowledgesthecommodit.es  it  is  lad 
«'  on,  to  be  good  and  cheap,  o.herwife  it  were  needlefs,  and  a  pro- 
<«  hibition  on  the  goods  of  any  one  nation,  g.ves  a  monopoly  to 
<c  other  nations,  thaTraife  the  like."...Again...."  a  prohibition  again  t 
«  any  one  nation,  makes  other  nations,  having  the  like  commodities, 
«  take  the  advantage  and  raife  their  price,  and  is  therefore  a  tax.       ^^ 

*  Sir  Matthew  Decker, 


r 


r 


f    5°    3 

If  a  prohibition,  extending  to  one  nation  only  in  favour  of  many, 
confers  a  monopoly,  and  is  therefore  a  tax;  a  prohibition  extending 
te  all  other  nations  in  favour  of  one,  is  indubitably  fo. 

From  Firginie  and  Maryland  are  exported,  communibus  ann'is^  90,000 
hegflicads  of  tobacco  to  Great-Btiiain,  of  which  it  is  fuppofcd 
60,000  are  thence  re-exported.  But  thefe  colonies  not  being  permit- 
ed  to  fend  their  tobacco  immediately  to  foreign  markets  dijlrilutivelyt 
in  proportion  to  their  demands,  the  re-exported  tobacco  pays  double 

freight,  double  infurance,  commiffion  and  other  (hipping  charges. 

The  whole  quantity  is,  moreover,  of  courfc  much  depreciated,  for 
going  all  to  Great- Britain,  the  home-market  Is  overdone,  by  which 
circumftance,  the  quantity  required  for  home-confumptitn  is  without 
doubt  purchafed  cheaper  than  it  would  be,  if  no  more  than /.W 
were  imported  into  Great -Britain,  and  of  this  glut  foreigners,  and 
purchafers  on  fpeculation  alfo,  avail  themfelves.  Befidcs,  a  great  deal 
of  the  tobacco  getting  home  late,  the  rigorous  feafon  hinders  its  being 
re-ftiipped  for  fome  months,  during  which,  it  is   dead  on  hand,  and 

moreover  gives  advantage  to  buyers a  lofs  to  the  planter,  which 

would  be  avoided,  if  the  tobacco  could  be  immediately  fcnt  to  its  pro- 
per market. 

The  above  quoted  author  hath  computed  the  duties,  cx';"  '^c, 
«n  leather,  at  50  per  cent ;  and  the  artificial  value  of  a  bale  cs  xSw^- 
li/h  cloth  arifing  from  taxes,  monopolies,  and  ill-judged  laws,  at  51 
per  cent,  by  which,  he  means  that  every  hundred  pounds  worth  of  that 
fpecies  of  manufacture,  includes  in  that  fum  51  /.  of  taxes.  His  com- 
putation is,  without  doubt,  too  low  now,  taxes  having  been  increafed 
very  confiderably  fincc  the  time,  in  which  he  wrote. 

per  cent. 
In  the  grofs  fum  of  the  artificial  value,  he  computed  1 


the  amount  of  the  taxes  to  be  full 
Monopolies  and  ill-judg'd  laws,  therefore  ftand  at 


f 


31 
ao 


T 
T 


:'l^ 


A  bale  of  Englijh  cloth  coding 
Includes  an  artiikial  value  of 


The  artificial  value  fubftraiSlcd,  leaves  the  natural  value        49 

But  left  the  eftimate  fljould  be  objc£led  to  on  account  of  its  includ- 
ing 20  per  cent  for  monopolies,  &e.  I  will  ftate  the  artificial  value 
arifing  from  taxes  ofily  to  be  33I.  63.  8d.  which  will  hardly  be  ob- 
jedled  to,  for  being  too  high. 


The  colonies,  it  is  fup(»ofed,  take  annually,  manufac-  ^ /■ 
turei  (torn  Great'Britain,  to  the  amount  of  »^' 


2,000,000 
There- 


in  favour  of  many, 
ohibition  extending 
y  (o. 

lunihus  annisy  90,000 
hich  it  is  fuppofed 
es  not  being  permit- 
larkets  dijiributively^ 
obacco  pays  double 

[hipping  charges. 

uch  depreciated,  for 
jverdone,  by  which 
nfumpt'nn  is  without 
f  no  more  than  that 
lut  foreigners,  and 
'  Tides,  a  great  deal 
ifon  hinders  its  being 
dead  on  hand,  ana 
the  planter,  which 
lately  fent  to  its  pro- 
duties,  ex'  'Jc, 
le  of  a  bale  c;  iing. 
1-judged  laws,  at  51 
pounds  worth  of  that 
of  taxes.  Hit  com- 
laving  been  increafed 
ote. 

ptr  cent. 

-\       3. 

ao 

SI 

value        49 
ccount  of  its  indud- 
e  the  artificial  value 
1  will  hardly  he  ob- 


ufac 


\/^.  2,000,000 

There- 


I      Therefore  they  pay  an  AWNUAt  r  ax  of  L^  666,666  13    4 

'       io  which  muft  be  added  freight,  '"f"^*""'  'PT:^ 
■  miffion  and  (hipping  charges,  »«"ountmg  at  leaft 


00  © 


beriaved  oy  DacR.-iit>B"'»  —-•  •  ,     ,  .     i 

"fes   permitted   to  import  dtr,£lly   the  manu^ 
fadlures    of  foreign   countries,    is   computed  J 

W hat  may  be'the  amount'from  the  reftriftions,  on  ^ 
all  the  enameratedcommodit.es    c""?*^^*^"^^- , 
to)  exported  from  all  the  colonies,  with  fub- 
Jesr^etained  and  duties  l^d.upon^t^^^^^^^^^^ 


150,000 


00     o 


moderate   computation, 
be  ftated  at 

^,916,666     13    4 

Part  of  the  commodities  rent  from  ^XwflttS.l^'utrem- 

firft  imported  '"'^  ^^^^ ^n  ThaVacc'c^r^for  he"  g  neu!  calculation 
mate.snotexcept.oiubleonthat  account^^^^^^^^       g   extremely  low. 

on  the  advanced  price  of  ^;;'''-J  ."^;;;/^f,"  hd,  \^rkei^on  in  Bri- 
...Several  of  the  foreign  ^"'""^"'^'^y;^^  i;';'of  do^^^^  height,  infu- 
*a,«....All  ofthem"«*"'^';""t.Jch^^^^^^^^^^^  the 

rance,  {hipping,  charges     the  me  chan    ,mpo  ^^^^^^^^  ,„d 

Er,,l,fl,  tradefman's  P-^^^^^i'^^-f/Zt,"    not'reftrained  from  direaiy 

Km   even'by  50  Pe-nt,  than  they    o  at  pr^^nt 

It  hatli  been  already  obfcrved,  that  there  are  inipp  .    ^^  ^^ 

and  Maryland,  annually,  at  an  average,  about  90,000  '^^^^  ^^^^^_ 

tobacco,  6o,coo  of  which,  % "f^T^f '  ^''.oUS/r./;;.  for  the 
Britain,  to  foreign  markets  ;  but  they  pay    to  ^^i  ^^ 

realbns  above  explained,   3l-P"J°6«^^^^^^^^^^ 

each  hogihead  might  be  <^^^«^'f;'!^;;J';,3'^i„'"Lfoportion  to  their  de- 
di/hibunvity  lent  to  the  refpeaive  market^    np^P  ^^^  ^^^^ 

mand. ;  and  an  equal  fum  is  P^'d  ^'f^  «« j^  .  f  ^'"Vhat  they  rr.ight 
mote  fur  hi*  tobaeco  fold  for  hmc,  than  that  whicn        ^^^^^.J^^^^^^^ 


■>"i 


[  52  ] 

confumptior.,  and  confcquenllv  pays  as  much  for  it.  For  there  is  great 
reafon  to  imagine,  that  ifihefe  colonics  were  at  libertv  to  fend  their 
tobacco  tmmtdtately  where  thev  pleafed,  the  market  in  Ensiland  would 
be  as  prcifitable  as  thofc  of  France,  Holland,  6ic But  when  the  to- 
bacco, under  the  prefent  regulation,  is  purchafed  for  re-exportation 
the  purchafer  undoubtedly  considers  the  cxpence  he  is  to  be  at  before 
It  gets  to  the  foreign  market,  as  part  of  the  price  of  the  commodity, 
and  therefore  lowers  his  price  to  the  merchant  in  proportion 

f  he  above  fum  of  3I.  for  each  hoKfliead.maices    /.  270,000     00     o 
1  he  amount  of  the  fundi y  impofitions  and  re-  > 

itriaions  before  mentioned  brought  for waid,  J       916,666     13     4 

Total  amount  of  taxes  to  Great- Britain 
Beiidcs  the  above  amount  of  taxis  paid  to  tlic-» 
mother-country, "the  colonics  in  North-zlme- 

rii'n  C\\T\T\r\r^  %\\A\r  ^«.....  „:..:!  ^ii.i-i'rt-  i   ' 


1, 186,666    13    4 


rica  fupport  their  own  civil  e(bblifliments,and 


pay  quit- rents  to  the  crown  anij  proprietaries,  / 
to  the  amount  (foppofing  600,000  taxables, 
at  the  moderate  rate  of  15s  each)  of  J 


>•      450,000     00 


Total  amount  of  taxes  paid   to  our  mother- "» 

country,  and  the  fupport  of  our  civil  efta-^     1,636,666     \\     4 
bljfhmciit,  a««i/a//y,  ^       '   j  >  j     'j- 

Suppoling  the  clear  annual  rents  of  the  lands  in  North-  ■) 

America,  (unreilraincd  by  adls  of  parliament)  would  ^^.  2,< 


amouac  tu 


,550,000 


It  appears  then,  that  the  whole  tax  is  upwards  of  65  per  ant;  ar.d 
If,  therefore,  the  artihcial  value  of  one  hundred  pounds  vtorth  cf 
lintijh  inanufaaure,  (doth  fur  in(tance)  is,  according  to  the  above 
computM.on  33/.  6  J.  8  ^.  there  was,  before  the  ^4  "''•%  a  tax  pa,d 
bv  the  Norto-Amerums,  near  double  of  that  which  is  paid  by  iHe  in- 
habitants of  England.  U  the  above  fu.n  of  33  /.  6  ;.  8  d.  is  too  low 
and  ought  to  be  incrcaCeJ,  then  the  tax  on  N»rth- /tmerUa,  on  the  ar- 
tic  c  of  manufaaures  imported  from  Britain,  mull  ^Ifu  be  increafcd 

It  Ihould  fcnn  thar  the  m^ixim  of  every  tax  ;ipon  labaur  failm-'  ul- 
//.v;,'//.,;.  upnu  the  confumer  of  its  product,  cannot  be  ikutWy  appl  td 
to  the  p.odgd  of  the  N,rth-Ame,icu»  colonies.  Fcr,  as  ,hev  arc  ^bli. 
ged  to  fend  (heir  coiuinodnies  t..  f.;me  port  in  the  Britijh  dominions, 
or  Cwhrre  indulgence  is  granted  to  fend  fome  of  them  to  .-ther  place-^ ) 


dcp.ivcd 


Ul 


^ca:  i-.i;afurcof  the  benefit  ct  returns,  thc-y  aie  by  thiie 


! 


i 


''^ 


it.  For  there  is  great 
libeftv  to  fend  their 
ct  in  England  would 
....Rut  when  the  to- 
for  re-exportation, 
le  is  to  be  at,  before 
e  of  the  commodity, 
iroportion. 
^.270,000     00     o 

916,666     13     4 


1,186,666     13     4 


450,000     00     o 


1,636,666     13     4 

rth-1 

'"'<^f  J^-  2>5®O,O0O 

y^  65  per  cent ;  ar.d 
J  pounds  worth  cf 
(^ing  to  the  above 
'^amp  ail,  a  tax  paid 
:h  is  paid  by  the  m- 
6  /.  8  ^.  is  too  low, 
Amerua,  on  the  ar- 
:  jlfo  be  increafed. 
)n  labaur  fullui^  ;</- 

be  ttiiiUy  appi:eJ 
ir,  as  ihev  arc  (,bli. 

Bfitijh  dominions, 
cm  to  ..ther  place;' _) 
3,  ihey  aie  by  thiie 


i 


[  53  ] 

m-an3  fuHjeacd  to  dead  freight ;  and  moreover,  being  confined  in 
their  conlumpfion  to  a  particular  manufaaure,  and  the  commodities 
they  export,  hcing  chiefly  raw  materials,  they  have  not  the  means  t> 
nerally  in  the  power  of  other  people,  by  raifmg  the  price  of  labour, 
to  throw  their  burthens  upon  others;  but  are,  for  the  moft  part, 
obliged,  both  in  their  exports  and  imports,  to  fubmit  to  an  arbitrary 
determination  of  their  value.  ,  . 

The  fanguine  genius  of  one  of  the  yfnti- American  writers,  bring* 
to  my  mind  the  fable  of  the  boy  and  the  hen  that  h\d  golden  eggs.  He 
is  not  content  to  wait  for  the  iiicreafe  of  the  public  revenue,  by  that 
gradual  procefs  and  circulation  of  property,  which  an  attention  to  the 
commercial  interefts  of  the  nation  hath  ettablifhed,  but  is  at  once  for 
tearinii  away  the  embryo,  which,  in  due  time  might  be  matured  into 
fullnefs  of  fize  and  vigour  ;  without  ever  refleaing,  that  when  the 
hen  is  deftroyed    by  his   violence,  there  will   be  no  more  cotDEN 

EGUS The  following  paQage  juftifies  this  obfervation 

"  If  we  have  from  the  colonies  their  all  already,  we  only  have  it 
"  (fivs  he)  by  trade,  and  not  by  taxes ;  and  furely  it  is  not  the  fatne 
*'  thing,  whether  the  wealth  be  brought  into  the  public  coffers  by 
*'  taxes,  or  coming  in  by  trade,  flows  into  the  pockets  of  individuals, 
"  and,  by  augmenting  his  influence  with  his  wealth,  enables 
the  merchant  to  plunge  us  into  new  wars  and  new  debts  for  his 
advantage  *.  , 

The  man  who  thinks  the  gains  of  the  merchant  are  dangerous,  and 
tha»  t  e  welfare  of  the  manufaflurcrs,  the  landholders,  i^c.  doth  not 
depend  upon  the  trade  and  navigation  of  Greai-Britam,  is  very  conlii- 
tently  an  advocate  for  a  meafure  which  hath  a  dired  tendency  to  check 
thnfi  ;  but  whether  this  opinion,  and  very  confiltent  condudt,  might 
not  be  more  ferviceable  in  fome  other  emplnyment  than  m  that  of  a 
L  --- of  T—  ,  is  fubmittcd  to  their  confuleration,  who  are  the 
iudii-cs   ofmeiit,  and  the  diCpcnfeis  of  its  rewards.  „  r  ,■  • 

'    For  a  reaCon,   which  ihj  above  opinion  .uggcfts,    I  (hall  fubjoin  an 
eftimaieof  the  duties  upon  tobacco  confumcd  in  Great  Britain,  and  nt 

the  profit  to  the   planter  on  that  tobacco The    intelligent  reader 

w.ii  not  apprehend  it  to    be    my  meaning,    that   the  planter  pays  nut 
of  his  poclcct  all   the  duties  laid  on   tobacco,   or  be  at  a  lols  to  inter, 
that  the  eiiini-uc  has  been  made  with  no  other  view,  than  to  obviate 
the  pi.inciple  others  by  their  wiitingsfeem  to  adopt.         ,    ,   a   , 
The  old  fubfidy  is  one  penny  per  pound,  25  per  cent  dedu  ,tcd. 


All 


*  T'ac  cbj-aioni  to  the  taxa'.ionj,  &<■.  coi-fi;Icrcd. 


'I 


[     54    ] 

All  the  other  duties  are  fevvn  pence,  and  one  thiid  per  pound, 
per  cent  dedu£led. 

An  hogfhead  of  tobacco,  at  an  average,  contains  9521b. 

The  whole  duties  therefore,  .  .  £,'  ^7     *4 

The  amount  of  the  whole  duties  on  30,000  hog- I  /.  o- ^     - 

flieado.is  .  .  .  {i;.  831,000  00 

The  full  clear  proceeds  of  an  hogihead  of  tobacco,  reckoning  9521b. 
in  each  hogihead,  has  not,  on  an  average  for  fome  years  paft,  exceeded 
4I.  +  wherefore,  on  30,000  hogflieads,  the  planters  get  120,000). 
How  much  of  the  above  fum  of  831,0001.  is  net  to  the  revenue,  I 
fiiall  not  undertake  to  fay ;  but  I  prefume  it  may  be  fafely  aiTerted, 
that  no  part  of  this,  or  any  other  public  money,  is  touched  by  any 
Americans^  whether  they  have  great  piuters  «f  fptecb  or  not  ;  tbo'  any 
gentleman  who  might  be  affeSed  by  it,  is  not  to  be  blamed  for  his 
apprchenftorr,  that  a  fudden  importation  of  a  certain  commodity,  might 
burt  the  home  market. 

The  fum  of  the  taxes,  paid  in  North-  Amtt tea,  will  appear  enor- 
mous to  thofe,  who,  having  been  told  that  th«fe  colonies  pay  only  7  or 
800  1.  per  tHttum,  in  confeqvence  of  taxes  laid  there^  might  be  lei^, 
in  their  dependence  upon  minijlerial  candor,  to  believe,  that  they  paid 

no  more  elfewhjre  ; but  to  others,  who  aro  better  acquainted  with 

the  fubjedt,  the  computation  will  appear  too  low. From  thefeob- 

fervations  it  may  be  inferred  wh»t  vaft  wealth,  in  taxes  only,  the  mo- 
ther-country has,  in  the  courfe  of  a  hundred  ^  ears,  drawn  from  her 
colonies;  znAhovi  profoundly  well-informed  the  writer  is,  who,  with 
equal  pertinency  and  modefty,  pronounces,  "  that  it  is  now  high 
**  time  for  ^i^/flwcV  to  draw  feme  //«/*  profit  from  her  colonies,  af'« 
**  ter  the  vaji  treafure  Jhe  has  expended  on  their  fettlement," 

I  confefs  that  the  abr  ve  computations  are  conjectural,  but  I  believe 
they  are  probable.  I  mean  that  thofe,  who  are  beft  acquoniied  with 
the  fubjeit,  will  think  the  charge  upon  Norih-Jmerica  is  not  exagge- 
rated, and  which  I  think  very  naturally  accounts  for  the  enormous 
debt  fhc  at  prefent  labours  under  to  the  mother-country. 

Dr. 

t  See  before,  p.  ^z.  The  attentive  reider  will  obferve,  that  the  net  pro- 
ceed* of  a  hogfliead  of   tobacco,  at  an   average,  are  4I.  and  (he  taxes  3I 

together  7I. Quere,  how  much  per  ccr.t  does  the  iix  amount  to,  which 

taket  from  the  two  wretched  tobacco  coioniet,  3I.  out  of  e  rery  7I.  ?  And  how 
deplorable  muft  their  circuinlUnces  appear,  when  their  vaft  debt  to  the 
mother- country,  and  the  annual  burthen  of  their  civil  cnablilhmenta  are 
added  to  the  cAimate  ?  In  thefe  two  coionies  there  are  npwaids  of  1 8o,coj 


I 


iggg^SM 


(hird  per  pound,  15 
89521b. 

\£.  831,000  00    o 

:o,  reckoning  9521b. 
years  paft,  exceeded 
nters  get  i2o,oooJ. 
et  to  the  revenue,  I 
\/  be  fafely  aiTerted, 
is  touched  by  any 
h  or  not  ;  tbo'  any 
>  be  blamed  tor  his 
I  commodity,  might 

,  will  appear  enor- 
ilonies  pay  only  7  or 
here^  might  be  led, 
lieve,  that  they  paid 
ler  acquainted  with 

From  thefeob- 

taxet  onfy,  the  mo- 
rs, drawn  from  her 
i^riter  is,  who,  with 
that  it  is  naw  high 
n  her  colonies,  af- 
tetnent." 

diural,  but  I  believe 
eft  acqucnited  with 
erica  is  not  exagge- 
:s  for  the  enormous 


)untr7. 


Dr. 


erve,  that  the  net  pro- 

,1.  and  the  taxes  ji 

tix  amount  to,  which 
of  e  'cry  7I.?  And  how 
iheir  vaft  debt  to  the 
:ivii  clUbliihm£rits  are 
I  opwaids  of  1 8o,coj 


» 


[   ss   ] 

Dr.  Davtnant  obfervcs,  that,  «  if  ever  any  thing  great  or  good  be 
done  for  the  Englijh  colonies,  induftry   mult  have  its  due  recom- 
pcnce,  and  that  cannot  be  without  encouragement  to  it,  which, 
pel  haps  is  only  to  be  br'-.ught  about  by  confirming  their  libertusy  and 
cftabliOiing  good  difciplinc  among  them  ;  that,  as  they  lee  they  art 
a  free  people,  in  point  of  government,  fo  they  may,  by  difciplme, 
be  kept  free  of  the  mifchiefs  that  follow  vice  and  idlenefs.     And, 
as  great  care  (hould  be  taken  in  this  refpca,  f©  without  doubt,  it  is 
advifcable,  that  no  little  emulation  of  private  interefts  of  neighbour 
governors,  nor  that  the  petitions  of  hungry  courtiers  at  home,  Ihould 
prevail  to  difcourage  thofe  particula    :olonic8,  who,  in  a  few  yean, 
have  raifed  themfelves  by  their  own  charge,  prudence  and  tndupy,  to 
««  thr  wealth  and  greatnefs  they  arc  now  arrived  at,  wtthtut  flsjr  «r- 
««  pence  to  the  crown  ;  upon  which  account,  any  innovations,  or  breach 
"  ©f  their  original  charters,  Cbefides  that  it  feems  a  breach  of  the  pub- 
«'  lie  faith)  may,  peradventure,  not  tend  to  the  king's  profit.       Ex- 
cellent obfervation  !  but  how  little  it  hath  been  regarded,  the  prfeent 
dceply-affliaing  diftrefs  of  the   inhabitants  of  North- Jmertca  demon- 

ftrates  ; a  diftrefs  fufficient  to  drive  men  into  difpair,  who   arc 

not  animated  by  the  hope,  that Decs  dabit  his  QiioQUE 

VINEM.     Cod  /hall  aljo  put  en  End  to  thefe. 


FINIS. 


«( 


(t 


E    R    R    ^    T    jf. 


E    R    R    A    1     A. 

Page  II,  line  2,    for,  or  others;  read,  but  it  others. 
Page  15,  line  27,  for, /«r;  read, /rflOT.  . ,     ,.      . 

Ibid line  31,  iox,  fuhordmarton;  rczd,  fuberdinaiicn. 

Page  17,  line  36,  for,  don'  ;  read,  don't. 
Page  27,  line  29,  f»r,  intellego  ;  read,  tntelltgo. 
Page  45,  lin«  i,    for,  arricks ;  read,  arttdes. 


r*.- 


« 


